Skip to main content

Full text of "Early sources of English Unitarian Christianity;"

See other formats

Digitized by tlie Internet Arcliive 

in 2007 witli funding from 

IVIicrosoft Corporation 















37, Norfolk Street, Strand, London. 

Note. — The British and Foreign Unitarian Association, in accord- 
ance with its First Rule, gives publicity to woi-ks calculated "to promote 
Unitarian Christianity by the diffusion of Biblical, theological, and 
literary knowledge, on topics connected with it," but does not hold 
itself responsible for every statement, opinion, or expression of the 

*^* For the notes in brackets in this work the author is not respon- 
sible. They have been contributed, with the Index, at the request of the 
Committee of the Association, by Alex. Gordon, M.A. 


■ ^ PAGE 

Preface to the English Translation, by Dr. Martineau v 

Chapter I. 

Is Unitarian Christianity of English origin? — Its relation to Wiclif 
and the Lollards ; |o Reginald Pecock ; to the Nonconformists. — 
The Anglican Church 23 

Chapter II. 

Was Unitarian Christianity imported into England from the Low 
Countries? — Its relation to Erasmus and the Anabaptists 38 

Chapter III. 
Is Unitarian Christianity of Alsatian or of Swiss origin ? — Capito. — 
Hooper and Puritanism. — Cranmer and the Strangers' Church... 52 

Chapter IV. 

Is Unitarian Christianity of Italian or Spanish origin ? — Antitrinita- 
rian tendencies of the Italian Reformation. — Influence of Juan 
de Valdes and Michael Servetus 67 

Chapter V. 

The Italian Reformed Churches in Switzerland. — Antitrinitarian 
Controversies. — Relations with England 87 

Chapter VI. 
The Strangers' Church in London. — Birth of the Unitarian idea ... 115 

Chapter VII. 

Bernardino Ochino, his religious development, and his influence on 
English theology. — Corranus 137 




Chapter VIII. PAr.E 
Acontius, his philosophical and religious ideas, and his influence on 
English theology 1 6 1 

Chapter IX. 

C Socinianism ; its two authors, Lelio and Fausto Sozzini ; stages of 

their doctrine, and its introduction into England 178 

Chapter X. 
Influence of the Anglo-Saxon genius on the development of English 
Unitarian Christianity: Bidle and Firmin. — Relations with the 
Latitudinarians, the Quakers, the New-Arians. — Milton, Locke 
and Newton I99 

Conclusion 217 


— Extract from the Confession of John Theol)ald, 1528 231 

— Extract from Erasmus' Preface, 1523, to Works of St. Hilary 232 
— Letters Patent of Edward VI., constituting the Strangers' 

Church in London, 1 550 236 

— Extract from Letter of the Geneva Ministers to the Ministers 

of East Friesland, 1566 243 

— Extract from Orisons Ministers' Questions on the Trinity, 1561 244 
— Confession of Faith imposed on Italian Church, Geneva, 1558 245 

— Organisation of the Strangers' Church, London, 1550 249 

— Letter from Microen to Bullinger respecting the first Unitarians 

of London, 1551 251 

— Formula of Retractation presented to Adriaans van Hamstede 

by the Bishop of London, 1562 257 

— Extract from Ochino's De Pw-gatorio, 1556 261 

— Letter of Pierre La Ramee to Acontius, 1 565 264 

— The inadequacy of the Apostles' Creed as a common Confes- 
sion among Protestants, according to Acontius, 1565 266 

— Letters of Lelio Sozini to Johann Wolff, 1554 — 1555 269 

— Extract from the Racovian Catechism, 1609 270 

— ^John Milton on the Unity of God, 1674 272 


The merits of this volume, as an example of special his- 
torical study, are so conspicuous, that it might well dispense 
with all external commendation : and from mine, I am well 
aware, no other advantage can be gained than such support 
as an old man's friendship and esteem may be supposed to 
afford to a young author's modesty. The investigation to 
which the following pages are devoted interests me the more, 
because it takes me up far less as the critic than as the 
learner, and leaves me grateful for new knowledge and for 
many a charming or impressive picture from the drama of 
the past. The author's problem, — to find the source of 
Unitarian Christianity in this country, — has naturally led 
him away from the main roads of the revolt from Rome, 
which ended in the Anglican, the Lutheran, and the Re- 
formed Churches, and thrown him into the eccentric by- 
paths of the Reformation, where the freer minds are sure 
to be found, and coherent thought is yet in the making. 
Whether or not he alights there on the true solution of his 
problem, I will not venture to pronounce ; but as he ques- 
tions group after group, and elicits their curious enthusiasms, 
and follows them in their flight from danger, to Emden, to 
London, to Chiavenna, to Basel, to Poland, he lays bare the 
very spirit of the times in its ferment of belief and struggle 
of character. 


To discover the origin of Christian Unitarianism in 
England we may proceed in either of two opposite direc- 
tions ; from the present formed results backwards, step by 
step, through the influences which have shaped them, as far 
as we can see our way ; or from the earliest traces of anti- 
trinitarian opinion that could move forward into these 
results. The latter is the method pursued by Professor 
Bonet-Maury, and is indeed rendered inevitable at last by 
the disappearance of clear historical continuity at the upper 
end. It involves the inquirer, and still more the reader, in 
a danger against which it is difficult to guard the imagination. 
As he searches through the dark places of the sixteenth 
century, the gleam which he wants turns up at more points 
than one, and visits him with rival possibilities of derivation ; 
and by the need of selection, the problem is apt to assume 
in his mind an alternative form : " Is this doctrine, in its 
beginning, indigenous or foreign? — if foreign, from the Latin 
races or the Germanic? — if the former, from Spain or Italy? 
— if the latter, from Saxony or Holland ? — if from Holland, 
from the Anabaptists of Delft, or the scholar of Rotterdam?"' 
Thus a host of hypotheses springs up, some of which may no 
doubt be put out of court by sufficient evidence of fact, but 
none of which can be taken as intrinsically excluding any 
other ; and yet the advocate of each is apt, in the eagerness 
of discussion, to believe himself possessed of the sole key to 
the problem. Unitarian theology is not so artificial a phe- 
nomenon that we are obliged to refer it, like the enunciation 
of Kepler's laws or the spectrum analysis, to a single dis- 
coverer. On the contrary, as a simple reversion from some- 
thing far more artificial than itself, it may well be expected, 
in an age which breaks up the stagnation of thought, to arise 


simultaneously as a function of many movements and in the 
experience of many minds. Nothing therefore precludes us 
from accepting for it, in its modern re-appearance, several 
concurrent beginnings, instead of a single line of filiation 
from a preferred historical source. 

The study of comparative mythology at one time consisted 
of little else than a fancied detection of identity, under the 
disguise of different names and symbols, between the gods 
of separated tribes, and the skilful use of this identity in 
evidence of a certain order of interdependence in the devel- 
opment and relations of these tribes. It is now well under- 
stood that the similarities insisted on imply no process of 
borrowing, that the growth of a mythology is a natural and 
traceable process in the mental history and crystalizing 
language of mankind, and can hardly fail, under the play of 
common psychological laws, to create resembling forms in 
races externally distinct. By its theory of the Mythos, 
philosophical philology has not only found a meaning for 
what appeared to be mere childish dreams, but restrained 
the aberrations of speculative history. No important belief 
can any longer have its story told from the outside. How- 
ever modified by surrounding conditions, and geographically 
conveyed to new regions, it has its root and aliment in the 
inward nature, as the expression of some want, the asser- 
tion of some affection which time and place will not wear 

The dissolution of a mythology is no less natural a process 
than its growth, and is indeed secured the moment we have 
discovered how it has grown. No one who sees in Zeus, 
Osiris and Isis, the personification of certain natural phe- 
nomena, or in Heracles, Romulus, and the Hebrew Messiah, 


the ideal genius of a race, can any longer pay them the homage 
expected at their temples or held due to their names. In 
the same way the objective reality of Trinitarian worship 
inevitably vanishes for one who knows the successive incre- 
ments by which its organism of doctrine has formed itself: 
to see its construction is to feel its dissolution. And even 
without this power of outwardly following a belief through 
its embryonic stages, the mere reflective sense of its internal 
incongruity or its contradiction to the better known, prac- 
tically cancels its Divine pretensions, and concentrates the 
soul's religion on what remains when it retires. But what is 
this natural residue of faith, when the enigma of tripersonality 
brings thought into confusion and the affections into conflict? 
Its object is simply the Unipersonal God, the beginning and 
the end of every perfection, the centre and the infinitude of 
all good. To be precipitated upon this faith, nothing more 
is needed than for a religious mind to find itself, from some 
cause or other, on uneasy terms with a doctrine which has 
various ways of offending the awakened reason and con- 
science. It ought not to surprise us therefore if, on the 
weakening of ecclesiastical pressure or the increased tension 
of spiritual independence, Unitarian theology repeatedly 
appears upon the scene, and enters it from several sides. 
In seeking for it everywhere, within the area of the Refor- 
mation, and in discriminating its different types, Professor 
Bonet-Maury works strictly within the limits of his inquiry. 
He deals in each case with what was, or at least might be, 
a vera causa of the phenomenon which he proposes to 
explain. He collects his resources before he allots to them 
their work ; assembling them, for the most part, at the 
" Foreigners' Church" in Austin Friars, where the seeds of 


many a heresy found, it would seem, if not a kindly soil, at 
least some stony ground for a brief flowering season. 

Among the several possible tributaries to English Uni- 
tarianism which were co-present there about the middle of 
the sixteenth century, some one influence must have taken 
the initiative. Was it the speculation of Servetus ? or the 
personal weight of Lselius Sozini ? or the spiritual catholicity 
of Ochino? or the devotion of the " Family of Love"? or 
the heroic piety of the Smithfield martyr, George van Parris? 
On reviewing the whole evidence. Professor Bonet-Maury 
assigns the first place to the Spanish and Italian writers and 
refugees ; and it is impossible to regret an opinion to which 
we owe his deeply interesting sketches of Servetus, of Valdes, 
of Altieri, of Ochino. But of these reformers, however ani- 
mated by evangelical freedom of spirit, Servetus alone 
departed from the orthodox Christology ; and the charac- 
teristics of their thought are so alien from the genius of the 
known Unitarianism in the 17th and i8th centuries, that 
any prior school which they might cause in the i6th would 
sit apart and fail to give us the requisite historical continuity. 
There are two ways in which a rank more than human has 
been provided for the person of Christ by those who could 
not admit his equality with the Father. Either he was a 
higher pre-existent nature sunk into manhood by incarnate 
birth ; or he was simply human to begin with, and through 
spiritual endowment and holy obedience exalted to Divine 
functions and near communion with the Indivisible God. 
The former conception, starting from the supernatural nati- 
vity and following it into the ministry of humiliation and 
sacrifice, has marked every form of Arianism. The latter, 
beginning, like Mark's Gospel, with the simply human pro- 


phet of Galilee, and then finding him, like Paul, reserved, 
immortal in the heavens, for judicial offices proper only to 
omniscient power, is the Socinian characteristic. Many 
English Unitarians have held, in conformity with the former, 
that Christ was made man ; but few, so far as I am aware, 
that he was made God. Even those who retained the escha- 
tology of a general resurrection and judgment have tried 
to bring these stupendous processes within the resources 
of an inspired humanity. If among the South European 
refugees in London this type of heresy had its votaries, it 
seems to have remained an exotic, and not to have repro- 
duced itself in English thought. 

The estimate which disciples make of the person of their 
Master is determined by their preconception of the work he 
has to do. Whatever that requires him to be, they cannot 
doubt that he really is. There are two aspects under which 
that work has presented itself to their minds — as Redemption 
and as Revelation — the former, a transaction, altering the 
real relations of persons and the very nature of things ; the 
latter, a superhuman enlargement of knowledge and showing 
of things as they are, without further change in them than 
may arise from clearer apprehension. To effect the former, 
—to abolish a primeval curse and neutralize the power of 
Sin and Death, to render pardon accessible and holiness 
possible, and re-open the closed gates of eternal life, — is 
to revolutionize the universe, and may well be deemed 
beyond the reach of any nature less than God. Certainly it 
is an infinite overmatch for a personality like ours, however 
filled to its utmost capacities by heavenly aids. But to be 
the organ of Revelation, — to have the incubus of spiritual 
doubt removed and the sad enigmas of life resolved, — to be 


inwardly told what we have longed to know, and see the 
mists disperse from the future we could never pierce, — this 
is but the flow of light upon the faculties we have, and needs 
no more than the open reason and purified conscience of 
a true Son of Man. Accordingly it is not among those 
reformers who approach Christianity from the Augustinian 
side, — not with Luther or the Swiss leaders, not with Fare), 
not even with Valdes and Ochino, — that we meet with dis- 
affection towards the received Christology ; they leave un- 
touched the Divine Drama of Salvation, and take nothing 
from its objective conditions or the portentous meaning of 
its Calvary ; but only snatch its benefits from sacerdotal 
grasp and distribution, and set them free for appropriation 
by personal faith, and for the emergence of a new life of the 
Spirit. This is the form of evangelic thought congenial to 
passionate and turbulent natures that need a foreign rescue 
from their own inward tyrannies. But there are quieter 
spirits, less storniy in their impulses and of more steadfast 
will, whose chief need for higher life is, to know more of 
higher things ; whose love is ready for any Divine Perfection 
that may be opened to their sight ; and who will enter at 
once upon any sanctifying trust or glorious hope from which 
the clouds may clear away. These it is that ask from 
Christianity nothing but Revelatmi ; who require therefore 
in its Author only the power to reveal, — that is, insight, 
however given, into the spiritual truth they miss. If they 
feel that, for this end, the incarnate appearance of God in 
person would be an incredible over-provision, they will natu- 
rally be the first to rest contented with the Humanity of 
Christ, as an adequate medium of light from heaven. If 
Luther represents the former class, Erasmus belongs by 


nature and by habit to the latter ; and certainly he was, if 
not Unitarian himself, at least a very early cause of Unita- 
rianism in others. Among scholars, his text of the New- 
Testament, in a far wider circle his exegetical Annotations, 
diffused anti-trinitarian modes of thought. If ever the Dutch 
and English Anabaptists, who disowned for the most part 
the doctrine of the Trinity, departed so far from their rigid 
Scripturalism as to cite a human authority in their defence, 
it was under his writings that they sheltered their heresy.^ 
His influence, moreover, entered as a factor into the Armi- 
nianism of Holland, and through this, as well as directly, 
into the Socinianism of Poland, and thence again into the 
Latitudinarianism of England ; which, in the writings of 
Hales, Chillingworth and Locke, is theologically indistin- 
guishable from Unitarian Christianity. In this line of 
descent, the phenomena appear to be continuous by natural 
heredity ; whilst the South European examples of anti-trini- 
tarian doctrine are sporadic, and do not seem to supply 
the true root of the English school. 

But there is one unorthodox influence so powerful and 
so extensively diffused as almost to supersede inquiry into 
the personal pedigree of English Unitarianism— I mean, the 
English Bible. It is difficult for us to realize the startling 
effect of throwing open to Europe in its vernacular tongues 
a Sacred Literature vehemently contrasted, in matter, in 
form, in spirit, with the ecclesiastical stereotype of Chris- 
tianity. For their impressions of the Saviour's life and 
person, the multitude had been dependent on pictures in 

^ See the curious Dialogue between the Inquisitor of Bruges and an 
Anabaptist, in Ch. II. 


the churches, which taught whatever the artist fancied ; and 
they knew as much about cherubs and angels and legendary 
saints, and things in heaven and things in hell, as about the 
Galilean lake and hills, and the gracious figure and real 
incidents that have consecrated them for ever. The cele- 
bration of the Mass, the repetitions counted by the Rosary, 
the resort to the Confessional, the submission to penance, 
the purchase of indulgences, the recital of the Creeds, the 
exercise of Mariolatry, set up in their imagination a vast 
mythology as the faith of Christendom. The Trinity is in 
every prayer ; the prayers go through the day ; and the 
church-days go through the year ; and at every turn, of 
nature or of grace, the Priest steps in to find it ill or make it 
good. Suppose a worshipper, with mind thus pre-occupied, 
to find, chained to a public desk within his church, one of 
the new Bibles in his own language, and to be so arrested 
by it as to forget what he came for, and stay with it while 
others pass on to the choir. As he reads, are the thoughts and 
images which the page throws upon his mind in tune with the 
familiar offices which he faintly overhears ? Does his atten- 
tion rest upon the suppliant cries of Psalmist or Prophet or 
Apostle or of the Man of Sorrows himself^They are silent 
of the " Holy, Blessed, and Glorious Trinity, three Persons 
and One God," wherein every church prayer finds its crown. 
Does he alight on the Pauline Unipersonal profession of 
theistic faith, " To us there is One God, the Father'" — Does 
then the Apostle's "One God" comprise no "Son," and no 
" Holy Ghost"? Does he read the story of the Last Supper, 
or the Apostolic instructions for its celebration at Corinth — 
Is this a Sacrament? Where is the Priest? Where, the 
Miracle? Where, the sacerdotal monopoly of the cup? Where, 


the "Unbloody Sacrifice"? It is the same all through. A 
mind surrendered, with the freshness and freedom which true 
piety gives, to the broad characteristics of the Scriptures, could 
not but suffer estrangement from the very essence of the eccle- 
siastical theory; — first, no doubt, escaping from its degrading 
imposture of priestly mediation, into immediate spiritual rela- 
tions with heaven ; but, ere long, irresistibly impressed by the 
purely monotheistic character of the Biblical Theology, and 
the genuine humanism of the Christology. The evangelical 
spirit that sprung from the re-opened "Word of God" was, 
in all its operations, a new birth of Religion into simplicity ; 
throwing off, to begin with, the incubus of church " works," 
and delivering the individual soul to the life of inward faith 
and love ; and then, in due time, reducing that inward faith 
itself to simpler terms, without the tangled threads which no 
thought could smooth into a consistent tissue. Starting from 
Luther's first-translated Pauline Epistles, it snatched Redemp- 
tion from the Altar and made it over to the Conscience. 
Concentrated next upon the Gospels, it identified itself with 
the Religion of Christ, and found the Revelation only the 
perfecting of Reason. It was the mission of Wiclif and the 
" Reformers before the Reformation" as well as at its outset, 
to carry the emancipation through the first stage ; of Crell 
and Biddle, of the Arminians and Latitudinarians, of Price 
and Priestley, of Channing, the Coquerels and Parker, to 
suffer no pause short of the second. 

Throughout this movement till very near its end, both 
impulse and direction have been due to the Scriptures, used 
as the charter of spiritual rights. By resort to this test every- 
thing has been accomplished. Fathers, Councils, Tradition, 
Donation of Constantine, Primacy of Peter, have been put 


to flight by rigorous loyalty to the "pure Word of Holy 
Writ,"— the "Naked Gospel," the "Oracles of God," as 
understood by the individual disciple's reason and con- 
science. The earlier Unitarians, notwithstanding their repute 
of rationalism, drew their doctrine out of the Scriptures, 
much to their own surprise, and did not import it into them. 
Biddle, for instance, declares that " he experienced his first 
doubts respecting the Trinity in reading the Bible, before 
he had ever seen a Socinian book." And how great a thirst 
was appeased by the opening of the long-sealed fountain of 
living waters may be judged from this— that the first enthu- 
siasm of the evangelic spirit, in both its forms, was for 
diffusing the Bible in the language of each land : till that 
was done, there was neither Redemption for the soul, nor 
Revelation of the truth. Nor was this estimate mistaken. 
The reforming energy became intense and persistent pre- 
cisely in those countries which early possessed a widely 
distributed version of the Scriptures in the spoken tongue, 
in Germany, Holland, Britain, and even France. Spain, on 
the other hand, though furnished with its translation about 
the middle of the i6th century, stood, like Italy, in such 
relations to Rome, that it was not publicly accessible. If 
the religious revolution failed in Southern Europe, it was not 
because the genius of the Latin races gave it no response, 
but (inter alia) because the new life, after its first pulsations 
had been suppressed, was without the permanent aliment 
which alone could again and again revive it and carry on its 

This general cause of modified doctrine, the vernacular 
Bible, is of course everywhere pre-supposed by the accom- 
plished author of the following Treatise, and neither supple- 


ments nor replaces any source to which he is disposed to 
trace the Unitarian Christianity of England. I dwell upon 
it only as a caution to the reader against excessive historical 
simplification — i.e. against insisting upon some single origin 
for an assemblage of facts whose unity may be not that of 
external concatenation, but that of internal agreement. Lay 
but the Christian records before a mind devout and clear, 
and leave them alone with each other, and is it wonderful if 
the Christianity of a Channing should emerge ? And if this 
may happen in one place, so may it in a hundred ; and the 
great river of faith which flows before us as a single stream, 
may be the blending of many rills descending from separated 
heights, and knowing nothing of each other till they mingle. 
With these few words, suggested by Professor Bonet- 
Maury's rich and instructive pages, I take my leave of him 
for the present, in the hope of ere long meeting him again, 
and the entire confidence that, when he speaks again, it will 
be to no small audience, English and American, rendered at 
once grateful and expectant by his first work. 

James Martineau. 




It is an opinion much in favour with historians that Pro- 
testantism is uncongenial to the Latin races. Nations of 
the Teutonic stock, it is affirmed, being by temperament ^^ 
incHned to reflection, have accepted Protestantism ; while 
the Southern populations, requiring a religion which speaks 
to eye and imagination as well, would of necessity reject it 
in the sixteenth century.^ A mere glance over the period of 
the spread of the Reformation (1512 — 1564) will convince 
us of the falsity of this conclusion. 

Let us leave out of account France, a country of mixed 
race, where it is scarcely contested any longer that the 
Reformation took deep root, especially in the South, as is 
proved by the existence of the Albigenses and the Waldenses. 
Let us take Spain and Italy. The twenty volumes of the 

^ Such seems to be the opinion of M. Taine, in his Histoire de 
la Litteratiire Anglaise (vol. ii. 288, 289), where he contrasts the 
serious and moral races of the North with the frivolous and irreligious 
peoples of the South. "The Reformation," says he, "is a Renascence 
appropi-iate to the genius of the Germanic nations." Cf. the contrary 
opinion of E. Renan, in his Lecture on "Judaism considered as a Race 
and a Religion," Revue Po/itique d Litteraire, 3 Feb. 18S3. 



collection of Spanish Reformers,^ and the sale in Italy of 
forty thousand copies of the Bcuefizio di Gesii Crista,^ are 
evidences of the enthusiastic reception won by the gospel, 
when offered to the Christian public in those very countries 
which certain writers beyond the Rhine would fain represent 
as effete, and unamenable to all moral and religious progress. 
Yet more, the long and still inexhaustive list of martyrs for 
the gospel in Italy and Spain proves that the populations of 
those countries had strongly felt the influence of the Reform 
movement ; so much so, that the Inquisition was obliged to 
have recourse to a veritable reign of terror and atrocious 
severities to avoid being vanquished. 

Moreover, the Reformation had its precursors in those 
countries also. In Spain, the Waldenses or Lconistas^ (men 
of Lyons), and the Alumbrados (enlightened), had reinstated 
evangelical worship ; in Italy, the principles of the Arnoldists 
and of the Abbot Joachim, and. the austere and prophetic 
voice of Savonarola, still found an echo in believing souls. 
In these two countries the labours of the writers of the 
Renascence, especially those of Pico della Mirandola and 
Erasmus, had caused an awakening of philosophic thought 
which was sure, sooner or later, to issue in a re-casting of 
dogma. Everything leads to the belief that if the secular 
arm had not supported the Roman Church by physical force, 
the latter would never have attained its end of re-consolidat- 
ing its power, which had been so signally shaken. That 
power was, in fact, undermined by the writings of Valdes, 
Servetus, Ochino, and the Sozzini. 

^ Los Reforniistas Aiitiguos EspaTwlcs. Edited by Usoz i Rio and 
Benjamin Wiifen. 20 vols. 8vo. London, i860 ff. 

^ Lichtenberger's Encyclopedic, art. Italic (Long). The Bcuefizio di 
Gcsii Cnsto, of which only two or three copies escaped the flames of the 
Inquisition, has been reprinted by Dr. Babington, Cambridge, 1855. 

■* [Leonistas = Lyonists, i. e. poor men of Lyons, from Leona, the 
Spanish name of the city. — Trans.] 


Had they come victorious out of the period of agitations 
and conflicts, the Spanish and Italian Protestants would have 
provided themselves with an ecclesiastical organization and a 
form of worship suitable to their national genius and satisfying 
all their religious needs, just as we see them doing nowadays 
under the re'gime of a legal toleration. This is no gratuitous 
assumption. AVhat we shall have to say hereafter concerning 
the churches of the Spanish and Italian exiles in various 
countries of Europe will complete the proof of our thesis, 
namely, that the Latin races were neither less desirous nor 
less capable of a religious reformation than the nations of 
the North ; and that they have been kept within the pale of 
the Roman Church far less by attachment to theatrical forms 
of worship than by the terror of the Inquisition, and by the 
constraint of the civil power allied with the Holy See. The 
fact is that, after the failure of the three professedly reform- 
ing Councils, Constanz, Basel and Pisa, a failure due in great 
part to the unconciliatory conduct of the Popes, all the nations 
of Western Europe were disgusted with the moral abuses and 
fiscal exactions of the Roman Church, and were ready to 
shake off in concert the yoke of the " modern Babylon." To 
save her supremacy in the South, Catholic Rome had to 
adopt the old device of Pagan Rome, Divide et impera. Like 
fire, she played a self-consuming part, and, at the cost of 
great pecuniary sacrifices, purchased the co-operation of the 
French and Italian princes in her work of exterminating 

The Prote-stants early opposed the principle of union amid 
diversity to the Catholic tenet of absolute unity. Protest 
against the abuses and errois of the Church of Rome was 
universal in Europe; but it assumed various forms, according 
to the character and composition of the races which divided 
the West. One may even refer the varieties of Protestantism 
to three principal types : the Saxo-Scandinavian type, repre- 
sented by Luther, Melanchthon, Bucer, Bugenhagen, and 

B 2 


Cranmer; the Franco-Helvetic type, which appears in Calvin 
and Zwingli ; and the Hispano-Italian type, impersonated in 
Servetus, Ochino, and the Sozzini. 

With the Lutherans, the protest was dictated by the 
requirements of the heart and conscience much more than 
by the claims of reason. It was in the name of conscience, 
outraged by the abuse which was being made of indulgences, 
that Luther affixed his theses to the Wittenberg Schloss- 
kirche ; but he still retained the cultus of the Virgin and the 
Saints. So also the English divines, when once they had 
secured pre-eminence to the principles of Paul and of 
Augustine in the dogmata of grace and redemption, accepted 
all the Catholic, dogmata, whatever they were, which did not 
injure the arteries of religious life.^ 

The Hispano-Italian school proceeds, on the contrary, 
from reason and from legal ideas, rather than from moral 
and mystical feeling. It combats the errors and abuses of 
the Roman Church by appealing to a legal text. It adopts, 
as its test of dogma, conformity with Holy Scripture, con- 
sidered as the inspired code of moral and religious law, and 
interpreted by sound reason. All doctrine which is not 
expressly authorised by the word of God, ought to be eli- 
minated, even though resting on the tradition of many 
centuries, the teaching of the Fathers, and the canons of 
CEcumenical Councils. 

Between these two types, which may be called the Lutheran 
and the Socinian, we find a third, the Zvvinglio-Calvinian, 
which shares some of the characteristics of each. Holding 
with the first that mystical tendency which can respect the 
merest doctrinal quibbles about the Lord's Supper and the 
two natures in Jesus Christ, it nevertheless has, in common 
with the second, that dialectical vigour and that juridical 

® J. H. Scholten, De Leer der Hei~vorinde Kerk in hare Gi 
sclcn 2 vols. 8vo. Leiden, 1862, 


power which produced the Institutio C/in'stia/ia; Rdi'giouis 
and the Ordinances of Geneva. 

M. Re'ville has judiciously remarked that, in the countries 
of the centre and the north of Europe, conscience had more 
to do with the Reformation than science, while in Italy and 
Spain reason took precedence of the moral and religious 
sentiment. Now it was precisely in the south that the Anti- 
trinitarian tendency was most pronounced. *" 

This Antitrinitarian tendency was indeed the logical result 
of the two ideas which were the motive forces of the Refor- 
mation, one being that the Christian Church and its dogmata 
had been radically corrupted by the Roman Catholic system, 
and that they must be purified by reduction to the apostolic 
norm ; the other, that Christian doctrine, to be of practical 
service, must be capable of coinciding with man's actual 
conscience, instead of remaining in the condition of abstract 
and transcendental formula. Such is the common opinion 
of all the extreme parties of the Reformation ; they main- 
tained that the religion of Jesus had suffered fundamental 
changes in its sacraments and its dogmata immediately after 
the disappearance of the first generation of Christians, and 
that everything not authorised by the Bible and the testi- 
mony of the apostles ought to be abolished. The Ana- 
baptists, on the strength of this principle, condemned infant 
baptism, the images of the Saints, and even that of Christ, 
and the special function of the clergy. They even went so 
far as to attempt a restoration of the Communism which 
prevailed in the Church of Jerusalem. The principle which 
the Anabaptists applied in the region of discipline and 
liturgy, the Antitrinitarians carried into the domain of 

^ Albert Reville, Hist, du Dogme dc la Diviriite de Jesus Christ, 1869. 
pp. 132, 142. [See English translation by Miss Swaine, pp. 174, 1S6. 
London, 1878.] 


dogmaJ These two tendencies set out from a common point 
of view, namely, the necessity for a radical reform of the 
Christian system, paying no heed to tradition or existing 
institutions. This is why, at first, they were so often con- 
founded with one another. 

The mere reading of the tides of the works of the first 
Unitarians, e.g. Martin Cellarius, Campanus and Servetus, 
is sufficient to convince us that they were thoroughly in 
earnest in taking in hand a radical regeneration of the 
Church. In 1527, Cellarius published his book De Opcribus 
Dei ; Servetus in 1553 gave to his great work the title 
Christiauismi Restitutio ; Campanus had already chosen for 
one of his works the significant title, Contra totnm post 
Apostolos mundum (1531?); for another, that of Gottiic/ier 
und heiliger Schrifft^ vor vielen yaren verdunkelt, inid durch 
nnheilsame Leer und Lerer (atis Gottes Zulasstmg) verfinstert^ 
Restitution und Besserimg. (Restitution and Renovation of 
Divine and Holy Writ, many years obscured, and, by sufferance 
of God, darkened through unsalutary doctrine and teachers, 
1532,) Not meeting in the Bible with the terms "Trinity," 
"homoousia" (consubstantiality), "eternal generation of the 
Son," " procession of the Holy Spirit," they thence con- 
cluded that all these dogmata were of human invention, and 
consequently hurtful to Christian faith. The notion of a 
complete purification of Catholic doctrine, distinguished 
from the outset the Unitarian radicals from the orthodox 
Trinitarians, who professed to conserve all that did not 
directly relate to the doctrine of Redemption. This clearly 
appears in a letter addressed, on 14 Sept. 1564, by Prince 
Mikolaj (Nicholas) Radziwill^ to Calvin, whom he did not 

'' F. Trechsel, Die Protcsta>itischen Antitrinitariervor F. Sociii., vol. i. 
8, g. Heidelberg, 1844. 

^ This prince, brother-in-law to Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland, 
and Palatine of Wilna, was one of the promoters of the Reformation in 


know to be already dead (24 May) : " Ex his et similibus 
doctrinis inferre et concludere conantur [Antitrinitarii], totam 
doctrinam in Papatu, etiam de hoc fidei nostrse fundamento, 
fuisse corruptam ; nihilque intactum reUquisse Antichristum, 
quod tetris et horrendis ille abominationibus non con- 
taminaret, non poUueret, non profanaret. Trinitarii contra 
concedunt quidem reUqua omnia pessumdata fuisse in 
Papatu ; hsec vero de primario fidei nostra; fundamento, 
singulari Dei beneficio, iUibata et inviolata permansisse."^ 

Alarmed at these extreme consequences, and fearing the 
loss of the support of the Princes if the very basis of the 
Church were upset, the Reformers appealed to the secular 
arm to repress the extravagances of the Anabaptists and 
Antitrinitarians. Hatzer at Constanz, Servetus at Geneva, 
Georg van Parris in London, were the first victims of this 
policy of repression. 

The appeal to the secular arm was, as Trechsel acknow- 
ledges, an inconsistency on the part of the Reformers. ^"^ I 
will add that the retention of the so-called Athanasian Creed, 
pure and simple, as the basis of the Protestant theodicy, was 

Poland. He was the protector of Lismanini, Biandrata, and Stancaro, 
which did not, however, prevent his keeping up a friendly correspondence 
with Calvin. Calvini Opera, ed. Baum, Cunitz and Reuss, vol. xv. 
2113, 2227, 2366 — 2371; vol. xvii. 2876, 3019; vol. xviii. 3232, 3238, 
3443; vol. xix. 3562, 3565; vol. xx. 4125. The letter quoted above is 
found in the archives of the Church of Zurich, Simler'' sclie Samndung, 
vol. ii. fol. no. 

^ [" From these and kindred doctrines [the Antitrinitarians] do their 
best to draw the inference and conclusion that the whole body of doc- 
trine, even as regards the foundation of our faith, was corrupted under 
the Papacy; and that Antichrist left nothing untouched by the contami- 
nations, pollutions and profanations of its foul and horrible abominations. 
The Trinitarians, on the other hand, while admitting that everything 
else was altered for the worse under the Papacy, nevertheless contend 
that this primary article and foundation of our faith was, by the singular 
providence of God, preserved unimpaired and inviolate."] 

^'' Trechsel, ut sup., vol. i. 11. 


another. As this Creed served as target for all the Anti- 
trinitarian batteries, it is right for us to reproduce here, /;/ 
exte/iso, that portion of it which relates to the doctrine of the 

Quicumque Vidt. 

" Whosoever will be saved : before all things it is necessary 
that he hold the Catholic Faith. 

" Which Faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled : 
without doubt he shall perish everlastingly. 

"And the Catholic Faith is this: That we worship one God 
in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity ; 

" Neither confounding the Persons : nor dividing the Sub- 

" For there is one Person of the Father, another of the Son : 
and another of the Holy Ghost. 

"But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghost, is all one : the glory equal, the majesty co-eternal. 

" Such as the Father is, such is the Son : and such is the Holy 

" The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate : and the Holy Ghost 

" The Father incomprehensible (iniinensus)^ the Son incom- 
prehensible : and the Holy Ghost incomprehensible. 

"The Father eternal, the Son eternal: and the Holy Ghost 

" And yet they are not three eternals : but one eternal. 

"As also there are not three incomprehensibles, nor three 
uncreated : but one uncreated, and one incomprehensible. 

" So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son Almighty : and 
the Holy Ghost Almighty. 

"And yet they are not three Almighties: but one Almighty. 

" So the Father is God, the Son is God: and the Holy Ghost 
is God. 

"And yet they are not three Gods: but one God. 

" So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord : and the Holy 
Ghost Lord. 

"And yet not three Lords: but one Lcrd. 


" For like as we are compelled by the Christian verity : to 
acknowledge every Person by himself to be God and Lord ; 

" So are we forbidden by the Catholic Religion : to say, There 
be three Gods, or three Lords. 

" The Father is made of none : neither created, nor begotten. 

" The Son is of the Father alone : not made, nor created, but 

" The Holy Ghost is of the Father and of the Son : neither 
made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding. 

" So there is one Father, not three Fathers ; one Son, not three 
Sons: one Holy Ghost, not three Holy Ghosts. 

"And in this Trinity none is afore, or after other: none is 
greater, or less than another ; 

" But the whole three Persons are co-eternal together : and 

" So that in all things, as is aforesaid : the Unity in Trinity, 
and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped. 

" He therefore that will be saved : must thus think of the 

This confession of faith, attributed to Athanasitis, but which 
did not bear his name' at the outset, and was originally 
drafted in Gaul, towards the middle of the eighth century, 
jarred so harshly with the whole system of biblical theology, 
that the Reformers would willingly have abandoned it, had 
they not seen in it an effective bulwark against the attacks 
of what they called the fanatical, or as we should now say, 
the radical party in Protestantism, namely, the iVnabaptists 
and Antitrinitarians. Luther, in his Sermon for Trinity 
Sunday, and Melanchthon, in his correspondence, make 
some significant admissions on this subject. 

The importance they attached to individual opinion, led 
them to qualify the Athanasian formula in an Arian sense ; 
so that it has been justly said that they themselves brought 
on the decline of the Trinitarian dogma. In fact, from their 
point of view, man could neither be saved by the efficacy of 
sacraments, nor in virtue of a passive adhesion to revealed 


dogma. To have saving power, it was indispensable that 
Christian truth should enter a man's own soul, and should, 
so to speak, become incarnate in his conscience. In other 
words, it was incumbent upon the initiators of the Reforma- 
tion to do away with every mediator, divine or human, save 
one, and so to place man in direct relations with God. But 
if God be the complex and unintelligible Being who is offered 
to us in the Symbolum Qjiimniqiie, and Jesus Christ a hypos- 
tasis (constituent personality) of that Being, it may well be 
asked how the faith and love of the sinner could fasten upon 
such a Deity. What confidence, what sympathy, what per- 
sonal affection can be inspired by a Being who is neither 
Single nor Three ? Accordingly the Reformers insisted upon 
the human character of Christ. 

And it is this which justifies the remark of F. C. Baur, 
paradoxical as it may almost appear, that " Melanchthon, 
Servetus, and Fausto Sozzini, notwithstanding their diver- 
gent tendencies, resembled each other in the attitude which 
they assumed towards the traditional dogma of the Trinity. "-^^ 
Only, what in Melanchthon is simple indifference, becomes 
positive criticism in Servetus, and reaches the stage of nega- 
tive and radical criticism in the Fratres Poloni. We have 
here a veritable process of decomposition of the Trinity ; 
and it is worth while to enter into details, in order to explain 
the share which the most orthodox Reformers took in the 

In the first place we are struck with the circumstance that 
Melanchthon, both in the original draft and in the primary 
edition (152 1) of his Loci Commimes, the first systematic 
exhibition of Protestant dogma, accords to the Trinity no 
further, treatment than this short rubric in the list of topics : 
" Deus, Unus, Trinus" Was this an inadvertence ? Assur- 

^^ Baur, Die Christlichc Lehrc dcr Drcieinigkcit, vol. ii. 33, note. 


edly not. As he deals in a similar way with other dogmata 
of like nature, e.g. the Creation and the Incarnation, 
Melanchthon makes it evident that, to his mind, all these 
dogmata on which the schoolmen had so perseveringly 
exercised the subtleties of their dialectic, were but mysteries, 
no doubt worthy of respect, but which we ought not to 
scrutinise too closely for fear of obscuring the evidence for 
the Redemption. "Did Paul," says he, "in that compendium 
of Christian doctrine which he addressed to the Romans, 
take to philosophising on the mysteries of the Trinity, the 
modus of the Incarnation, or on active and passive creation ? 
No, he occupies himself with Law, Sin and Grace, funda- 
mental topics, on which alone the knowledge of Christ 
depends."^- Such a passage savours of a reminiscence of 
this practical maxim from the De Imitatione : "What doth 
it profit thee to reason profoundly concerning the Trinity, 

^" "Proinde, non est cur multum operse ponamits in locis illis supre- 
mis : de Deo, de Unitate, de Trinitate Dei, de mysterio Creationis, de 
modo Incarnationis. Quseso te, quid adsecuti sunt jam tot soeculis 
scholastici theologistre, cum in his locis versarentur ? .... Paulus, in 
epistola quam Romanis dicavit, cum doctrinae Christianas compendium 
conscriberet, num de mysteriis Trinitatis, de modo Incarnationis, de 
Creatione activa et Creatione passiva philosophabatur? At, quid agit? 
Certe de lege, peccato, gratia, quibus locis solis Christi cognitio pendet." 
Melanchthon, Loci Commtmes rerum tJieologicarmn sen Hypotyposes 
TheologiccE, in 0pp. edit. Bretschneider, vol. xxi. 84, 85. ["Accord- 
ingly, we are not called upon to expend much labour upon those 
supreme topics, viz. concerning God, his Unity, his Trinity, the mys- 
tery of Creation, the modus of the Incarnation. I ask what has been 
gained by the scholastic theologians, though they have been employed 
upon these topics for so many centuries? .... When Paul, in the 
Epistle which he addressed to the Romans, wrote a compend of the 
Christian doctrine, did he philosophise about the mysteries of the Trinity, 
the modus of the Incarnation, Creation active and Creation passive? 
No. But of what does he actually treat ? Assuredly of law, sin, grace, 
topics on which alone the knowledge of Christ depends."] 


if thou be void of humility, and thereby displeasing to the 
Trinity? "^^ 

True it is that afterwards, influenced by the overflow of 
extreme opinions, Melanchthon felt himself forced as a 
matter of duty into reaction against the Antitrinitarians. 
Thus, from the time of the lirst edition of the Augsburg 
Confession (1530), he condemned the doctrine of the new- 
fangled {neoterici) as well as of the ancient disciples of 
Paul of Samosata ; and, later, in a letter addressed to the 
Venetian Senate (1539), he utters an energetic warning 
against the ideas of Michael Servetus, and undertakes a new 
proof of the Trinitarian dogma. 

Yet, in his earlier correspondence, it is easy to see that 
he approached these questions with misgiving rather than 
with zest. For example, he writes (1533) to Camerarius : 
" Concerning the Trinity, you know that I have always 
feared lest these controversies should some day break out. 
Good heavens ! what tragedies will these questions excite, 
when put to those who come after us : Is the Word a hypos- 
tasis? Is the Spirit a hypostasis? For my part," he con- 
cludes, " I rely on those express declarations of the Scripture 
which command us to invoke Christ, for this is to assign 
to him the honours of Divinity, and it is a practice full of 

Luther, with his practical good sense, could not fail to 
share the gentle Melanchthon's antipathy to these irritating 

13 De Imit. J. C. lib. i. cap. i. 

14 " Hfpi rfjc TptaiJoc scis me semper veritum esse, fore ut hsec ali- 
quando erumperent. Bone Deus ! quales tragoedias excitabit hrec 
qusestio ad posteros, ei eoriv vnoaTaaiQ 6 Aoyoq; u sarlv vnoaTnatg to 
nvsvi^a ; Ego me refero ad illas Scripturae voces, quas jubent invocare 
Christum, quod est ei honorem divinitatis tribuere, et plenum consola- 
tionis est." Melanchthon to Joachim Kammermeister, 9 Feb. 1533. — 
Bretschneider, vol. ii. 629, 630. Cf. vol. iii. 745. 


problems. In two curious Sermons, preached on Trinity 
Sunday, the Wittenberg doctor, while adhering to the doc- 
trine of the three-fold personality of God, confesses that 
there is here an unfathomable mystery ; and, as regards its 
dogmatic expression, we must be content with Scripture 
terms, for God alone knows His own nature, or how it is 
right to speak on this matter. As for the personality of the 
Holy Spirit, Luther had no clear conception of it.^^ In his 
reply to Latomus, Luther went so far as to declare that the 
word homooiisios was nowhere to be found in the Scriptures, 
that it was a hateful word to him, and that it would be much 
better to invoke the Deity under the name of God than 
under that of Trinity.^" What confirms our suspicions is 
that, in his translation of the Bible, Luther omits, as being 

^^ " Man diesen Namen, Dreifaltigkeit, nirgend findet in der Schrift, 
sondem die Menschen haben ihn erdacht. . . . Darum . . . viel besser 
sprache man, Gott, denn die Dreifaltigkeit. Diess Wort bedeutet aber, 
dass Gott dreifaltig ist in den Personen." " Er [der heilige Geist] ist das 
damit der Vater durch Christum und in Christo Alles wirkt und lebendig 
macht." Luther's IVerke, Erlangen edit., vol. xii. 378, xxii. 20. Cf. 
Maurice Schwalb, Luther, ses Opinions religicuses et morales dans la 
Preiniere Periode de la Reformation. Strassburg, 1866. ["This name 
Trinity is nowhere found in Scripture, but is the invention of men. . . . 
Therefore ... it were much better to say ' God' than 'Trinity.' This 
word signifies, however, that God is tri-personal." " He (the Holy Ghost) 
is that whereby the Father worketh and quickeneth all things, through 
Christ and in Christ."] 

^^ Paulus prrecipit . . . ut vitares prophanas vocum novitates . . . et sacris 
vocum antiquitatibus inha'reres. . . . Nee est quod mihi 'homoousion' illud 
objectes, adversus Arrianos receptum. Non fuit receptum a multis, iisque 
praeclarissimis, quod et Hieronymus optavit aboleri. . . . Nee Hilarius hie 
aliud habuit quod responderet, quam quod idem per id vocabuli signifi- 
caretur, quod res esset ; et tota Scriptura haberet id, quod in prassenti 
non datur. . . . Quod si odit anima mea vocem ' homoousion' et nolim ea 
uti, non ero hcereticus. . . . Scripturse enim synceritas custodienda est, nee 
prassumat homo suo ore eloqui, aut clarius, aut syncerius, quam Deus 
elocutus est ore suo." — M. Littheri Opera Omnia, ed. Amsdorf, Jena, 


an interpolation, the passage on the Trinity in the First 
Epistle of John, chap. v. ver. 7 ; and in the Litany he gets 
rid of the invocation, ''' Sancta Trinitas^ tinits Deus : miserere 
nobis." These two suppressions, it must be acknowledged, 
were altogether in favour of the Antitrinitarians.^'' 

If, from the German, we now pass to the French branch 
of the Reformation, we shall observe the same indifference 
at the outset in regard to the Trinity. This coldness, then, 
towards the dogma of a tri-personal God is no isolated fact, 

vol. ii". 1560, p. 407; Epistola M. L. ; Rationis Latomiana, pro incen- 
d'uiriis Lovaniensis Schola Sophistis redditce, Lutherana Confutaiio. [" Paul 
exhorts ... to avoid profane novelties of words, . . . and cleave to the 
ancient sacred forms of speech. . . . Nor may you bring up against me 
that word homoousios, received in opposition to the Arians. Received it 
was not, by many, and those of the first mark ; and even Jerome wished 
it well away. . . . Nor had Hilary any defence to make for it, except that 
what was denoted by this vocable answered to the fact ; and that the 
whole run of Scripture had the idea, which is not expressly set forth. . . . 
But if my soul hateth the word ko??iootisws, and I be unwilling to use it, I 
shall not therefore be a heretic. . . . For we must guard the soundness of 
the Scripture; and let not man presume to speak more clearly or more 
soundly than God hath spoken with His own mouth."] 

^'^ Catholic Litany of the Holy Virgin. 
Kyrie eleison ! Christe eleison ! 
Christe audi nos ! Christe exaudi nos ! 
Pater de coelis Deus : miserere nobis ! 
Fill redemptor mundi Deus : miserere nobis ! 
Spiritus Sancte Deus : miserere nobis ! 
Sancta Trinitas, unus Deus : miserere nobis ! 
Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis ! 

Litany, corrected by Luther. 
Kyrie : Eleison. 
Christe: Eleison. 
Pater de coelis Deus : 
Fill redemptor mundi Deus : 
Spiritus sancte Deus: 
Miserere nobis ! 
Luther's IVcrke, edit. De Wette, vol. Ivi. 362. 


it is a phenomenon naturally arising from the two-fold 
principle of the Reformation, the authority of Scripture and 
justification by faith. Let us now open Farel's So7nmaire et 
brieve Declaration d\iucuns licnx fort necessaires a ung chacim 
Chretien (Brief Summary of topics very needful for every 
Christian), that excellent manual of evangelical doctrine, 
which, by its conciseness of form and freshness of expression, 
contributed so much to make the Reformation popular in 
the French-speaking countries. In vain we look in it for 
the topics of the Trinity, the personality of the Holy Spirit, 
or even the divinity of Jesus. Christ is thus defined : "true 
Son of God, the arm, power, word, and wisdom of the 
Father, whom, as man, God has chosen as His holy temi)le 
and tabernacle, wherein dwelleth all the Godhead^ not 
figuratively, but bodily and in truth." And, as if to justify 
his omissions, Farel says expressly: "All that has not clear 
and firm foundation in the Scripture is to be rejected in 
dealing with salvation and the nature of God, which are 
spiritual and heavenly things." ^^ 

Accused, on this account, of leaguing with the Anabaptists 
and Servetans, Farel felt bound to add an explicit adhesion 
to the doctrine of the Trinity in his edition of 1552, pub- 
lished at Geneva during the year before the trial of Michael 

Finally, not even Calvin, that implacable adversary of 

^* Edition of 1532, reprinted by J. G. Fick, with Preface by Professor 
Baum. Geneva, 1867. 

^^ On 23 Aug, 1534, Joliann Zwick, pastor at Constanz, wrote to Vadian, 
of Claude Aliodi (of Savoy), who a short time before had been pastor at 
Neuchatel: ^^Collega>?i se habere testatur qui paria secum opinatur, Farel- 
liim scilicet, si modo non est falsus in ilium." [" He affirms that he has a 
colleague whose opinions are on a par with his own, Farel to wit, if he 
be not a false witness against him."] Now, that Claude (of Savoy) had 
made in the church of Constanz profession of Antitrinitarianism, see 
Herminjard, Correspondance des Re/ormateurs, iii. 173, 174, n. 2 and 7. 


Michael Servetus and Gentile, could keep free of the move- 
ment directed against the doctrine of the Trinity.-*^ This is 
seen even in his writings against Servetus, and in his letters 
to the Polish Brethren against Stancaro, "^ in which he 
acknowledges that the terms Triiiitas and homoousia savour 

^^ See his Disputation with Caroli, first Doctor of the Sorbonne, then 
pastor at Lausanne, who charged Calvin with Arianism. " ' Facessant,' 
[aiebat CaroH] ' novae Confessiones, ac tribus symbolis potius subscriba- 
mus.' Ad hasc Calvinus, '' Nos in Dei uniics Jideni jurasse,' respondit, 
' non Athattasii, cujiis symbohim nulla unquani legitima Ecclesia appro- 
bassety Herminjard, ut sup., iv. 185, Letter of Feb. 1537. ["'Away 
with new Confessions,' said Caroli, ' and let us rather subscribe to the 
three Creeds.' Calvin replied, ' We have pledged ourselves to faith in the 
One God, not to faith in Athanasius, whose Creed has never received 
the approbation of any rightful Church.' "] 

'^ Calvini Opera, ed. Baum, Cunitz and Reuss, vol. ix. 332 — 35S. 
(Cf Letter from Prince Radziwill to Calvin, on the Trinity, 6 July, 1564, 
XX. 4125.) 

1. Respoiisiitn ad Fratres Polonos, qiioinodo mediator sit Chrisius, eontra 
Stancarum (1560). 

2. Ministrortim Eeclesitt Gcnevensis Responsio, ad lYobiles Polonos, et 
Francisciim Stancarum (March, 1561). 

3. Brevis Admonitio (1563)- 

4. Epistola Joannis Calvini, qua fidem Admonitionis nuper edittv 
apud Polonos confirmat (1563). In this he says : " Tenenda quoque est 
loquendi ratio Scripturje trita, dum Christus, quatenus mediator est, infe- 
rior Patre statuitur. . . . Utile . . . supersedere a formulis loquendi ... a 
Scripturse usu remotis. . . . Precatio vulgo trita : ' Sancta Trinitas unus 
Deus : miserere nostri,' mihi non placet, ac omnino barbariem sapit. 
Nolim igitur vos de rebus supervacuis litigare, modo illibatum nianeat 
quod dixi de tribus in una essentia personis. " [" Moreover, we must 
adhere to the usual phraseology of Scripture, by which Christ, as mediator, 
is made inferior to the Father. ... It is well ... to set aside foiins of 
speech . . . diverging from Scriptural usage. . . . The hackneyed prayer 
in common use, ' Holy Trinity one God : have mercy on us,' does not 
commend itself to me, and altogether savours of barbarism. Therefore 
I would not have you stickle for things of no consequence, provided 
you keep unimpaired the doctrine I have laid down respecting the three 
Persons in one Essence."] 

Cf supra, p. 14, the Litany of the Virgin, as corrected by Luther. 


of the barbarism of the Schools. This is especially evident 
in his Harmony based on the Gospel according to St. 
Matthew, and in his Commentaries on the Fourth Gospel. 
Of all the passages quoted by orthodoxy in favour of the 
Trinity, Calvin does not admit a single one in the sense 
attached to it by the CathoUcs. And, in his exegesis of the 
passages, John v. 19, x. 30, xvii. 21. he explicitly distin- 
guishes Jesus Christ, as the Son, from the eternal Logos, a 
hypostasis of the Divinity, by insisting that Christ speaks 
here in his human nature. In respect of his divine nature, 
he declares Christ to be inferior to God the Father." 

Hence, by a logical consequence, Calvin, in his catechisms 
and prayers, never addresses either the Son or the Holy 
Spirit, but God alone,-^ in which he shows himself more 
consistent than Fausto Sozzini, who admits the invocation 
of Jesus Christ as God. 

This brief review of the teachings of the Reformers respect- 
ing the Trinity suffices to prove that the Antitrinitarian 
movement was in reality the logical development of the Pro- 
testant principle, and that, when they unreservedly adopted 
the Athanasian Creed, they fell into an inconsistency.-* 

^^ Scholten, ut sup., vol. ii. 231, 233. 

^^ [Note also that Calvin particularly resented the term Trinitarian, 
first applied to its present use by Servetus, and made it a count in his 
indictment that Servetus had called believers in a tripersonal God 
Trinitaires. ] 

-* Hulderich Zwingli expresses himself in a Sabellian sense. About 
1525, he states his doctrine in these terms : "Nos enim sic Deum agnoscen- 
dum . . . docemus, ut sive Patrem eum nomines, sive Filium, sive Spiritum 
Sanctum, perpetuo tamen eum intelHgas, qui solus bonus, Justus . . . est. 
Contra, cum Filio omnia tribuimus, ei tribuimus qui id est quod Pater, 
quod Spiritus Sanctus; cujus regnum est, cujus potentia, eodem jure quo 
Patris et Spiritus Sancti : ipse enim hoc ipsum est quod Pater, quod 
Spiritus Sanctus, servato nihilominus notionum, ut vocant, discrimine." 
De Vera et Falsa Religione. [" For we teach that God .is in such wise to 
be acknowledged . . . that whether you call him Father, or Son, or Holy 



By degrees, a separation was realised between the radical 
parties of the Reformation. The Antitrinitarians, repulsed 
by all the churches, Calvinist, Zwinglian or Lutheran, as a 
new sort of Arians, who insulted the divinity of Christ, 
and even as Atheists, who demoUshed the edifice of Reve- 
lation, learned the necessity of declining all corporate union 
with Anabaptists and Pantheists. It is the merit of Fausto 
Sozzini and his co-workers that they reached the conception 
of a theological system of which the Divine Unity and the 
life eternal were the fundamental positions, and founded a 
church with intelligible sacraments and a rational form of 
worship. Hence it is with justice that the name of this 
Reformer has been attached to the form of Unitarian Chris- 
tianity which we have just defined. We must, however, 
beware of believing, on the testimony of his virulent oppo- 
nents that Fausto Sozzini impugned the divine majesty of 
Christ. If, relying on certain texts of Scripture, he refused 
to attribute to Jesus participation in the Divine essence, on 
the other hand he proclaimed him to be God, in virtue of 
his office of Redeemer and his immaculate sanctity. In his 
eyes, the supreme end of the Christian religion was to secure 
man's admission to eternal life ; and it was to this end that 
Jesus died and rose again.-^ And in this, Sozzini's ideas 
much resemble the Scriptural view adopted by Melanchthon 
in his letter to Camerarius. The obligatory adoration of 

Spirit, you are still to understand that Being who alone is good and 
just. . . . And, vice versa, when we attribute all to the Son, it is to that 
Being who is identical with the Father and the Holy Spirit, whose 
kingdom and power belong to him by the same right by which they 
belong to the Father and to the Holy Spirit: for he is the self-same 
Being as the Father and the Holy Spirit ; the three conceptions are 
notwithstanding to be kept distinct."] Zwinglii Oj>p. iii. 179, 180. 

■■'S Cf. F. Socini Opera, 2 vols, folio, in the Bihliothcca Fratruiii Polo- 
norum, Irenopolis (Amsterdam), "post annum Domini 1656," i.e. 1665 


Christ even became the cause of serious conflict among the 
Transylvanian brethren, Ferencz (Francis) David openly re- 
fusing divine honours to Jesus ; a course which was followed 
in Poland by the Arians, and in Lithuania by Szymon Budny. 

As for the Holy Spirit, in the Socinian system it was but 
an alter ego of the ascended Christ, without distinct person- 
ality ; a moral influence of the grace of God, to achieve the 
work of sanctification. Such is, with some modifications, 
the official doctrine which still binds the Unitarian churches 
of Transylvania ; a doctrine which may be accused of a cold 
Deism and of a purely juridical conception of justification, 
but which cannot be denied the merits of a penetrating 
criticism, and great logical and moral strength. If the 
Socinians have distanced Christ from God, they have, on the 
other hand, brought him nearer to man, by representing him 
as being like unto us in all things, sin excepted ; and thus 
they are truly, whatever may be said to the contrary, legiti- 
mate sons of that Reformation of which the capital aim was 
to place the sinner in immediate relations with his Saviour. 

It was reserved for the English to complete the work 
begun by the Polish brethren, and to free the Unitarian 
system from the inconsistencies which Fausto Sozzini had 
permitted to remain in it. The Anglo-Saxon race brought 
to the examination of this theological problem those superior 
qualities which have made it at the present date the advanced 
guard of civilisation in the world— great critical sagacity, 
rare straightforwardness of mind, and an inflexible morality. 

Reverting with Calvin to the old apostolical tradition, the 
later English Unitarians have reserved to God alone the 
tribute of their addresses in prayer. But instead of con- 
ceiving Him as a cold and abstract causality, governing the 
moral as well as the physical world by inexorable law, they 
have grasped the conception of God as Ruler of consciences 
and Father of spirits ; the unipersonal and life-giving Spirit, 
whose essential attribute is love, and who desires the happi- 

C 2 


ness of every soul, made in His image. Christ, in their eyes, 
is the supreme revealer of the truths essential to salvation, 
and the living word of God ; by nature, Son of man, in his 
goodness and perfect holiness he has a right to the title, Son 
of God ; but he never claimed the worship reserved to the 
Father, who is the only true God. As for man, he is truly 
free and responsible before God ; not a slave of sin, inca- 
pable of doing any good. Endowed with an immortal soul 
of divine extraction, he communicates with God through the 
Holy Spirit ; and in another life he will be treated in 
accordance with his moral efforts, not according to his 
dogmatic opinions. Finally, the Bible is the treasure which 
contains the revelations of God in the Old and New Testa- 
ments ; but this revelation is not all, and the Bible must be 
supplemented by the revelations of God in nature, in history, 
and in conscience. 

Such are the principal elements of the Unitarian Chris- 
tianity held in the seventeenth century by Bidle, Milton and 
Locke: by Newton, Priestley and Lindsey-*^ in the eighteenth 
century; and in the nineteenth by Channing, Martineau and 

Everybody now knows that it is with good reason that 
Locke and Newton are classed as Unitarians. Still more 
certain is it that the immortal author of Paradise Lost held 
ideas that were clearly Antitrinitarian.'-^" In our own century 
two distinguished American thinkers have shed the brighest 
lustre on the Unitarian Christianity of the Anglo-Saxon 
race : Channing, by his admirable simplicity of heart and 
his intelligent sympathy with the sons of toil, and Theodore 

-" A. Reville, itt stip., p. 154. Cf. Dr. Martineau, Three Stages of 
Unitarian Theoloi^y ; W. Gaskell, Strong Points of Unitarian Chris- 
tianity. London: British and Foreign Unitarian Association, 1869-70. 

-'' R. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, art. Milton. 3 vols. Svo. 
London, 1850. 


Parker, by his noble vindication of freedom for the slave 
and his nobility of character, have given to Unitarianism 
that which it lacked in its Socinian stage, as regards the life 
of the heart and knowledge of the soul's needs. It may be 
said that in Channing Unitarian Christianity attained the 
apogee of its development, and manifested all the power of 
its social and emancipating activity. The Christianity of 
Channing appears tons a synthesis of revelation and reason, 
brought within the comprehension of all.-^ 

If we have made sure our ground so far, the question 
which now faces us is the following : Unitarian Christianity 
being the boldest expression of Protestantism, the extreme 
term of the development of the scriptural and rational prin- 
ciples of the Reformation, how comes it that it has attained 
its fullest development among a people so conservative and 
so wedded to established forms as the English ? What are 
the causes, external or internal, which have produced in 
such a country the opposite extremes of Protestantism — on 
the one hand Unitarianism, and on the other Ritualism ? 
How has the same soil given birth to a John Bidle and a 
Dr. Pusey? Several solutions present themselves at once 
to the mind. It might be possible, for example, to view 
Unitarianism as a direct graft of Polish Socinianism on the 
venerable trunk of the Anglican Church. Some, on the 
contrary, insist that it is an importation of Dutch Anabap- 
tism ; and this belief has obtained credence with one of the 
most serious historians of Socinianism. -^ Finally, others 
have thought that, like Puritanism, Unitarianism has only 
been an attempt to acclimatise in England the ideas of cer- 

-^ Laboulaye, Preface to the French translation of Channing's Works 
(CEuvrcs de Chaniiing: Paris, 1854). V^QW'A.n, Etudes Religieuses {QYi'iSi- 

-^ Pere Louis Anastase Guichard, Hisioire du Socmiaiiisinc : Paris, 
1723, 4to (anonymous). 


tain Swiss Reformers. As generally happens in the case of 
such opposite solutions, there is a certain amount of truth 
in each of these views, although not one of them seems to 
us entirely adequate. However this may be, there is a pre- 
liminary problem to be solved. We must first ascertain 
whether English Unitarian Christianity is or is not of purely 
English origin. It is with the consideration of this question 
that our investigations will begin. 


Was Unitarian Christianity of English origin?— Its relation to Wiclif 
and the Lollards ; to Reginald Pecock ; to the Nonconformists. — The 
Anglican Church. 

The essential principles of Unitarian Christianity may be 
reduced to the following two. First stands the principle 
that God is a simple, individual substance, whose leading 
attribute is love. ^A''hence it follows that Jesus Christ could 
not be a hypostasis (constituent personality) of the Godhead, 
but is man created in God's image, and realising in perfec- 
tion the spiritual ideal of which the first Adam fell short. 
Or, in other words, God is unipersonal ; and Jesus Christ 
the unique Mediator between God and man. The second 
principle is, that the revelation contained in the Holy 
Scriptures harmonises with the testimony of conscience and 
reason ; and consequently that the sole rightful authority in 
matters of faith is the Bible, checked by free criticism.^ 

This being the definition with which we start, let us 
try to discover whether Unitarianism may not have had its 
original roots in the religious soil of England. It would be 
useless to go further back than Wiclif. Before his time, the 
Anglican Church was the most catholic, the most orthodox, 
the most ultramontane in Europe.^ Everybody knows at 

^ Laboulaye, ut sup., 9 ff. 

"^ G. Lechler, J. von Wiclif uiid die VorgeschicJite der Reformation, 
vol. i. 213 : Leipz. 1873. [A portion of this work, under the title, John 
Wiclif and his English Precursors, has been translated by Peter Lorimer, 
D. D, (London: Kegan Paul and Co., 1881). See pp. 17, 18, 51 53.] 


what price John Lackland redeemed his crown ; but no one 
will ever know what Peter's pence cost the English, in the 
three centuries during which they were obliged to pay that 
tribute to the Holy See. After the annihilation of the sect 
of the Culdees, the last relic of Eastern Christianity, the 
Roman Church reigned absolute mistress over the churches 
of Great Britain ; and, thanks to their insular position, had 
been able to keep them from the infiltration of any conti- 
nental heresies. The Waldenses appear never to have had 
any disciples here. 

John Wiclif (b. circ. 1324, d. 1384) is the first heretic of 
modern times in England. Was he unorthodox as regards 
the doctrines of the Trinity, and of the divinity of Jesus 
Christ ? Not so. A mere glance at his chief work, the 
Trtalogus,^ shows us that Wiclif adopted the doctrine of the 
Trinity as it had been elaborated by Tertullian, Athanasius 
and Augustine, and brought to its complete development 
in the Symbolum Qidaunque. Although Holy Scripture was 
in his eyes " Goddis lawe," that is to say the normal and 
sufficient authority in matters of faith, the Gospel Doctor 
{Doctor EvangeHciis) does not appear to have dreamed of 
seeking there the grounds of the doctrine of the Trinity. 
He prefers to study it from a sj)eculative point of view. 
Borrowing from St. Augustine his Platonic ideas, Wiclif sees, 
in the Father, the power which God has of knowing Himself 
and the world ; in the Son, the actual consciousness which 
God necessarily possesses of Himself; and in the Holy 
Spirit, the consequent return of God to rest upon Himself in 
divine repose.'' From the point of view of the ReaHst school 

3 Jeremy Collier, Ecd. Hist, of Gr. Brit. (edit. Barham, 1840), iii. 143. 

■* See F. C. Baur, nt sup., ii. 901. Cf. Wiclif, Trialogus, lib. i. cap. 6. 
" Certum est quod [Deus] habet potentiam ad se et ad alia cognoscendum, 
et ilia potentia dicitur Deus Pater. Et quantum potest se ipsum cognos- 
cere, tantum se ipsum necessario cognoscit, et ilia notitia dicitur Deus 
Filius. Et sicut non potest esse quod sic posset se ipsum cognoscere, 


to which he belonged, the Rector of Lutterworth sees in 
all these ideas real and living objects. He especially clings 
to the conception of God the Son as the Logos, that is to 
say, at once the Consciousness and the Reason, whereby 
God enters into relations with the world. To him, this 
Logos is the true Mediator. It will be seen that, in this 
system, the humanity of Christ completely disappears ; the 
human mask drops off, the God abides in his redeeming 
but absolutely transcendent majesty. We are a long way 
from the fundamental principle of Unitarianism. 

Nevertheless, on a closer scrutiny it will be seen that 
Wiclif opens the way for the later theology by his theory of 
the sources of knowledge. In the main, Wiclif puts Scrip- 1 
ture in the place of the second of the two sources allowed r 
by the scholastic doctors, which were, reason {ratio) and the ) 
tradition of the Church {auctorifas). The Bible is in his 
eyes the Magna Charta of the Church, in the same way as 
the Charter of 12 15 is the safeguard of the English State. 
As regards exegesis, it is the Holy Spirit, not the tradition 
of the Fathers or the voice of the Pope, that reveals to us 
the meaning of the inspired word. Further, the divine law 
revealed in the Bible did not come to abolish, but to fulfil, 
the natural law written in the consciousness of mankind 
by the same God. Far from being impotent or contrary to 
Revelation, this "natural hght" is its best auxiliary. This 

nisi cognoscat actualiter quantum potest ; sic non potest esse, quod sic 
actualiter se cognoscat, nisi in seipso finaliter quietetur ; et ilia quietatio 
est Spiritus Sanctus." [" Certain is it that [God] hath a potency whereby 
He may know Himself and other matters; and that potency is called 
God the Father. And as He can know Himself, so doth He of necessity 
know Himself, and that knowing is called God the Son. And like as it 
cannot be that He could thus know Himself, without that He do actually 
know Himself, as He can ; so can it not be that thus He actually doth 
know Himself, without that in Himself He finally do take rest; and 
that taking of rest is the Holy Spirit."] 


it was that enlightened the pagan philosophers before the 
advent of Jesus Christ, and by its aid Plato was able to dis- 
cover that the Godhead is three-fold and at the same time 
one. Yet faith alone, aided by divine grace and illumina- 
tion, can attain a meritorious, that is to say, a saving, know- 
ledge of the mystery of the Trinity. ^ Thus Wiclif is really 
a rationalist as regards his method ; and if he retained the 
Trinitarian dogma, it was because he did not take the trouble 
of checking it by a more thorough criticism of the Gospels. 
He admits the essential harmony of Reason and Revelation, 
and thereby he is truly one of the forerunners of the "rea- 
sonable" Christianity of Locke and Channing. 

Had not Wiclif himself a glimpse of better days when he 
penned these prophetic words : " I look forward to the time 
when some brethren whom God shall condescend to teach 
will be thoroughly converted to the primitive religion of 
Christ ; and that such persons, after they have gained their 
liberty from Antichrist, will return freely to the original doc- 
trine of Jesus ; and then they will edify the Church, as did 

It is only given to superior minds to reconcile the anti- 
nomies of religious thought. After Wiclif, divorce was pro- 
claimed between the two great witnesses of divine truth. 
The Lollards, heirs of the piety but not of the science of 
the Gospel Doctor, exaggerated the principle of Scriptural 
authority, while Reginald Pecock, their antagonist, goes so 
far as to make reason the guiding principle in matters of 
faith. The Lollards, who at the outset counted in their 
ranks several distinguished representatives of the English 
clergy and of the University of Oxford — -Nicholas Hereford, 

^ G. Lechler, ut sup., cap. viii. sec. iii. 262 ff. : The Source ofChnstian 

^ See title-page to A Historical Sketch of the Rise and Progress of the 
Lhtitarian Christian Doctrine in Modern Times, with Preface by Robert 
Spears. London, 1877. 


John Purvey, John Ashton and William Thorpe — became, 
after the lapse of a generation, a religious society of laymen — 
" Bible-men," as they were often called. We must not, then, 
expect on their part much theological culture; what they 
demanded, above anything else, was the reformation of the 
institutions and the priesthood of the Church, on the footing 
and by the agency of Biblical preaching. Everything that 
was not founded on the written Word was bad and must be 
abolished. Thus they inveighed against plurality of livings ; 
against the absenteeism and the dumbness of the bishops, 
whose preaching was done by ignorant monks; against the 
mendicant orders, and against tithes. They pleaded against 
warfare, and indeed against the taking of human life in any 
form. Their boldest step was to call in question the miracle 
of the Mass. They demanded communion in both kinds, 
and the abolition of auricular confession. They rejected 
prayers for the dead. The remaining dogmata and sacra- 
ments they, like Wiclif, retained in their integrity. '' 

Reginald Pecock, Bishop of St. Asaph and afterwards of 
Chichester (b. 1398, d. about 1460), is one of the most 
remarkable figures of the fifteenth century. He exhibits the 
curious spectacle of a representative of the Catholic hierarchy 
who, while desirous of defending it against the attacks of 
the Lollards, himself fell into heresy, and was mercilessly 
deprived by his Metropolitan. Nothing was wanting to make 
him a martyr for the truth, except a firmer resolution and 
the courage to face the tortures of the stake. Yet it is not 
by us that his retractation shall be set down as a crime. It 
is not given to all men to become martyrs to their convic- 
tions. By the side of a John Hus and a Jerome of Prag, 
there is room for a Galileo. Pecock was pre-eminently a 
man of sincere and generous spirit, of clear and moderate 
mind. He was perhaps the only man of his century who 

^ G. Lechler, tit sup., vol. i. 213. 


thought, with John Hus, that it is far better to persuade a 
heretic than to burn him ; and that God alone, who reads 
the inmost recesses of the soul, has the right to pass sentence 
of damnation. Accordingly, being persuaded that the Lol- 
lards went too far in their criticisms of ecclesiastical insti- 
tutions and the priesthood, he devoted all the powers of his 
mind to bring them back again within the fold of the Esta- 
blished Church. In London, where for thirteen years he 
was Master of Whittington College (the College of the Holy 
Spirit and St. Mary, founded by Sir Richard Whittington) 
and Rector of St. Michael Royal, he entered into relations 
with those who were still called "knowen men"^ (that is to 
say, those whom God has predestined to salvation, and who 
have come to know it by the understanding of His Word). 
Having become later on Bishop of St. Asaph, and ultimately 
of Chichester, he published in succession three books ad- 
dressed to the Lollards : The Repressing of over viuch Witing 
the Clergie (1449 Latin, 1456 English), the Book of Faith 
(1450 Latin, 1456 English), and the Donat. 

In these several works, Pecock endeavours to demonstrate 
the falsity of the Lollard principle, " There is nothing true 
outside of the Scripture." He reminds them that, shortly 
before the coming of Jesus Christ, the light of truth, aug- 
mented by philosophy, had enlightened the pagans, in so 
much that the greater part of them had become emancipated 
from the worship of idols ; and he specifies several institu- 
tions of the Church, such as baptism and the apostolate, 
which had been founded long before the sacred collection 
was formed. On the other hand, the Bishop of Chichester 
frankly acknowledges the errors of tradition, and the abuses 

^ Pecock's Repressor, Part i. cap. 11, p. 53. Cf. Foxe, Actes and 
Motiuments, vol. iv. 221. [Cf. i Cor. xi. 19: "It bihoueth eresies to be 
that thei that ben preued ben openli knowen in ghou" (Wiclif s trans- 
lation). Cf. also "the Men," in the Highlands of Scotland to-day.] 


to which certain institutions, such as monachism, had given 

In the last resort, Pecock declares that Christians are 
only bound by the canons of the Church in so far as they are 
conformable to common sense. Thus he proclaims reason 
as the highest source of knowledge. This was too much for 
the hierarchy of the fifteenth century. The restoration of 
the Lollards to the Church appeared to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury too dearly bought at the sacrifice of infallibility 
and tradition. The unfortunate Bishop of Chichester, after 
a career of a half century devoted to the search for truth and 
peace, was condemned to a humiliating retractation, which 
he had to make (4th Dec. 1457) at St. Paul's Cross, the very 
place where he had preached his first sermon in 1447. He 
was shut up in Thorney Abbey for the remainder of his days, 
and did not long survive this double punishment. 

Throughout this controversy between Pecock and the 
Lollards, the Trinity was not called in question, so far as we 
know. The matters at stake were the two contrasted prin- 
ciples of Reason and Scripture. Each of these principles 
possessed a strong vitality ; and they survived the conflict, 
while the infallibility of the Church, denied by them both, 
was seriously shaken. Reginald Pecock was the father of 
English Rationalism, which broke out in the seventeenth 
century with Herbert of Cherbury ; while the scriptural prin- 
ciple of the Lollards, pushed as far as it would go, was sure 
to give birth to the Anabaptist and Antitrinitarian tendencies 
of the sixteenth century. 

Following the movement of the Lollards, we are brought 
to the threshold of that great religious revolution which 
marked the sixteenth century, and which the Roman Catholic 
Church in England could not escape. Historians of the 
two rival confessions have been very unjust toward the 

^ G. Lechler, ut snj>., vol. ii. 369—415. 


Anglican Reformation. Catholics are resolved to see nothing 
in it but the caprices of the royal Bluebeard ; and Protes- 
tants affect to treat it as a bastard daughter of Catholicism. 
A few, however, as recently Professor Nippold, of Berne, 
have set themselves to do away with this prejudice, and to 
extol the eminent services rendered by this Church to the 
interests of religious life in England. "The Nonconformists," 
he observes, "gathered into their barns the best of the har- 
vest prepared by the sowers of the Episcopal Church." ^^ 

In our opinion, too, the violent and arbitrary acts of 
Henry VIII. represent only the preliminary process which 
emancipated the Church of England from the crushing 
supremacy of the Holy See, and rendered possible a real 
reformation of religious and of ecclesiastical life. These 
acts, however, would not have been possible, even to an 
all-powerful despot, had they not been sustained by the 
opinion of the majority in the Commons. It is too fre- 
quently forgotten that, since the reign of Edward III. (1327 
— 1377), the English Crown had struggled for the indepen- 
dence of the civil power, and for the abolition of the fiscal 
spoliation practised by the Holy See.^^ Wiclif had been 
the adviser of the Crown in this legal resistance, and one of 
the negociators at the Convention of Bruges. Since then 
there had been alternations of resistance and weakness in 
the English attitude towards the Court of Rome ; but the 
policy of emancipation from clerical thraldom was always 
popular in England, and this it was which gave Henry VIII. 
liberty to act so vigorously. 

The aristocratic and hierarchical tendency of a reform 
effected by the upper stratum is represented in the English 

1" F. Nippold, Handbuch der neiiestcn Kirchcngeschichtc, 3rd edit, 
vol. i. 71 : Elberfeld, 1880. 

" See Montagu Burrows, Wiclif s Placcin History, pp. 42 ff.: London, 


Reformation by Thomas Cromwell, Keeper of the Privy Seal, 
the minion of Henry VI 1 1., and pre-eminently by Cranmer, 
Archbishop of Canterbury. Cranmer was a thorough poli- 
tician, a typical English Tory, conservative, but too intelli- 
gent not to carry out indispensable reforms just in time. 
His principle was, to take steps with a sagacious slowness. 
He began by signing and obtaining the Convocation's 
acceptance of certain " Articles devised by the Kinges 
Highnes Majestic, to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie 
among us, and to avoyde contentious opinions" (1536). 
These Articles of Reformation stipulated that the books 
contained in the complete canon of the Bible, with the three 
Creeds, namely, the Apostles', the Nicene and the Atha- 
nasian, all interpreted according to the sense of " the holy 
approved Doctors of the Church," were to be made the 
foundation of the Christian faith. Cranmer's idea was to 
accomplish the reformation of dogma and ritual slowly and 
prudently, in order not to provoke violent reactions. This 
did not commend itself to the partisans of reform in the 
popular sense, who, without taking into account the worldly 
interests of those in place and power, would have put down 
at one stroke Catholic institutions and Catholic rites, as the 
sources of many an abuse. These partisans, recruited largely 
from the ranks of the Lollards, though deprived of the ser- 
vices of the travelling preachers of earlier days, had still 
itinerant readers, who went from place to place holding 
secret assemblies, in which were read the English Bible, and 
other popular writings of Wiclif, especially the Wicket. Gene- 
rally they had large portions of the Scriptures by heart, and 
went among themselves by those same titles of Bible-men, 
or "knowen men,"i"'^ which we have already met with in the 
writings of Pecock a century and a half before. 

Between these two tendencies, which F. Guizot was the 

G. Lechler, lit sup., vol. ii. 456 ff. 


first to denote with precision in his History of the English 
Revolution}'^ and -which we will designate as Reformation 
and Revolution, the struggle soon broke out. Henry VIII., 
declared by statute " the only supreme head on earth of the 
Church of England" (1532), and being already Defender of 
the Catholic Faith, abused the royal prerogative to pass the 
Six Articles of 1539, which re-established the dogma of the 
Real Presence, communion in one kind, the celibacy of the 
clergy, vows, private masses, and auricular confession. These 
Articles, and the severities with which the king chastised the 
Nonconformists, excited general protest. The Act could 
not survive its author, and was withdrawn on the accession 
of the pious Edward VI. 

It is from this too short reign (1547 — 1553) that the 
birth of the Anglican Church really dates. A third element 
arose to co-operate in its formation, the influence of the 
Lutheran Reformation, exerted in part by the books of 
Luther, in part by the letters of Melanchthon (Schwartzerde) 
and Osiander (Hosmann), lastly in part by the presence of 
the numerous refugees who sought in Great Britain an asylum 
from the persecution which raged on the continent. The 
influence of the writings of the Doctor of Wittenberg is in- 
contestable. It transpires in the very violence of the refuta- 
tions of Henry VIII. Still the theologians of Great Britain 
could never accept the doctrine of a servum arbitrium (com- 
pulsory choice) and a radical powerlessness of the human 
will ; hence they felt themselves more drawn towaids the 
synergistic principle of Melanchthon (consent of the will). 
Cranmer even invited Melanchthon to visit England. This 
step was no more successful than the like invitation of 
Francis I. had been, and it was more especially with Osiander 
of Nlirnberg that Cranmer kept up a correspondence. 

It is a remarkable fact that the Augustinian cloister in 

13 Guizot, Hist, de la Rcvol. cfAiiglderre (introductory Discows). 


London was the spot which became the point of contact 
for these two last-named tendencies. There it was that the 
descendants of the Lollards, the Bible-men, met the followers 
of the rule of St. Augustine, who had embraced the doc- 
trines of their illustrious brother of Erfurt. This rapid dis- 
semination of the writmgs of Luther among the principal 
Augustinian convents in Europe was truly providential. The 
fraternal bond, in this instance, served the cause of liberty. 
In Antwerp, in Turin, and in London, the Austin friars were 
the agents in causing the first sparks of evangelical truth to 
flash from amid the darkness of the reigning scholasticism. 
A curious document shows us two of these Bible-readers 
going under cover " to Frear Barons, then being at the Freers 
Augustines in London, to buy a New Testament in Englishe" 
as newly printed, and showing him some old manuscripts of 
the Gospels, and "certayne Epistles of Peter and Poule in 
Englishe." They spoke with him about the religious pro- 
gress of their parish priest at Steeple Bumpstead (Essex), and 
carried back for him a letter of exhortation from the Augustine 

From 1547, Bucer (Kuhhorn) and Fagius (Buchlein), 
Ochino (Tomassini) aijd Vermigli, came into close relations 
with Ridley and Latimer, the representatives of the spirit of 
Wiclif These picked theologians of the continent, welcomed 
by Archbishop Cranmer, and placed in the principal chairs 
of Oxford and Cambridge Universities, helped to make the 
Anglican Church the most cosmopolitan and, in certain 
respects, the most synthetic body that one can conceive. 
The first Book of Common Prayer, published in 1549 and in- 
cluding the new Liturgy of 1548, the Reformatio legtim eccle- 
siasticarum of 1553, and the Thirty-nine Articles of 1563, are 
the products of this conjoint elaboration. Let us see if we 
can find any traces of Unitarianism in them. 

^■* Strype, Ecdes. Memorials, vol. i. part 2, app. No. 17. See Appen- 
dix I. 


We open the Prayer Book of 1549, and here, "at Morning 
Prayer," we find the following rubric : . " In the feasts of 
Christmas, the Epiphany, Easter, Ascension, Pentecost, and 
upon Trinity Sunday, shall be sung or said, immediately 
2S.\.Qx Beiiedictiis, this confession of our Christian faith." Then 
follows the Quicumque vult}^ A i^w pages further on we 
read the following Litany : 

" O God the Father of heaven : have mercy on us, &c. 
O God the Son, Redeemer of the world, &c. 
O God the Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the 

Son, &c. 
O holy, blessed, and glorious Trinity, three Persons and one 

God, have mercy upon us," &c. 

Thus it is clear that the English reformers retained, in their 
vernacular rendering, that invocation of the Holy Trinity 
which Luther had deemed it right to suppress. Further- 
more, they inscribed at the head of the list of the Thirty- 
nine Articles, passed by the Convocation in 1563, these 
words : 

" I. — Of Faith in the Holy TriJiity. 

" There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without 
body, parts, or passions; of infinite power, wisdom, and good- 
ness ; the Maker and Preserver of all things both visible and 
invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there be three Persons, 
of one substance, power, and eternity ; the Father, the Son, and 
the Holy Ghost." '« 

Such to this day is the official doctrine of the Anglican 
Church, a doctrine Calvinian and Trinitarian. This Church, 
of which it has been said that it is Catholic in its hierarchy, 
Calvinistic in its doctrine, and Zwinglian in its Eucharistic 

'' [It was, however, retained only on the above days. On ordinary 
occasions the Apostles' Creed was now for the first time substituted for 

■"' See Book of Common Prayer (Articles of Religion). [Cf. Hardwick, 
History of the Articles, Appendix iii. : London, 185 1.] 


liturgy,^''' was definitively established, and became the national 
Church of England, under the glorious reign of Elizabeth. 

Compromises in religion are, in their very nature, even 
more ephemeral than compromises in politics, because the 
religious conscience is more exacting than political convic- 
tion even the most decided. For a time they may satisfy 
the needs of the multitude ; but, to the honour of human 
nature, there ever remains a certain number of consciences 
who tamper not with their convictions, and maintain them 
in spite and in face of all persecutions. It was the glory 
of the Anglican Church that, at a crisis in the reign of Eli- 
zabeth, it identified itself with the cause of national inde- 
pendence, in face of the menacing claims of Sisto V. and 
Philip II. The secret of its decadence is that it completely 
satisfies none of the tendencies of the Christian conscience, 
roused by the thunder-clap of Wittenberg. The remnants 
of Catholicism which it has retained provoked the Puritan 
revolt, its sacramental element was rejected by the Anabap- 
tists and the Quakers, and finally its scholastic Christology 
gave rise to the protest of the Unitarians. 

In subsequent chapters we shall study in detail Anabap- 
tism and Puritanism, in their relation to Unitarian ideas. 

We may, however, be permitted at once to explain the 
genesis of these contrasted sects. Anabaptism and Quaker- 
ism, though they sprang up in England at the distance of a 
century from each other, exhibit great affinities both of prin- 
ciple and of character. Both proceed from a violent reaction, 
in the name of Scripture and the Holy Spirit, against for- 
malism in worship. Both aimed at a radical reform of such 
ecclesiastical rites, and even of such social institutions as 
appeared to them opposed to the true idea of the Church, 
such as military service, episcopacy, oaths, &c. George Fox, 

^^ [It was Lord Chatham, on the other hand, who said : " We have a 
Calvinistic Creed, a Popish liturgy, and an Arminian clergy."] 

D 2 


in this regard, is the worthy counterpart of Menno Simons. 
On the other hand, they differ in the origin and tendency 
of their doctrines. The Anabaptists have all preserved, 
more or less, a reflex of the speculative mysticism of Ger- 
many, the country of their origin ; while the Quakers, in 
spite of their pretensions to a mystical illumination, have 
never lost the practical character of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

However, in the sphere of theodicy, the Quakers share 
the principle, common to all mystics, that the relation of 
man with God is not merely accidental and intermittent, but 
essential and permanent. They take for granted, to begin 
with, that God is Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, without 
going into details respecting the relations of the Persons to 
one another. God is pre-eminently, in their view, a self- 
revealing Being ; in such wise that there is no way of know- 
ing the Father without the Son, nor the Son without the 
Holy Spirit. Again, there is in man an organ of immediate 
revelation, in intimate connection with the Holy Spirit ; 
and this they term '■'' semen" "lumen" '"'' verbiun Dei.^' From 
this rapid sketch, it is manifest that it is not among the 
English Mystics that we are to seek the origin of the Unita- 
rian idea.^^ These fall rather into a kind of Sabellianism. 

As for Puritanism, it is, first and foremost, a thorough- 
going protest against the Episcopal hierarchy and Catholic 
ritual retained in the Anglican Church ; a protest on behalf 
of the constitution of the Apostolic Church. In other words, 
it is, as Schoell remarks, an attempt to acclimatise in England 
"the ideas and practices of the Swiss Reformers." Of the 
three contrasted religious parties, this one it was which 
played the most important part in opposition to the Esta- 
blished Church. Its mouthpieces were, under Edward VI., 
John Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, a friend of Bullinger, 

■'^ See Robert Baixlay, Theolognr vere Christiana Apologia : Amster- 
dam, 1676, 4to. Quoted by Baur, nt step., vol. iii. 295. 


who perished during the bloody reaction under Mary Tudor 
(1555); and, afterwards, John Knox, a disciple of Calvin, 
and the Reformer of Scodand. The two parties, brought 
together for the moment by a common persecution, found 
themselves more antagonistic than ever under Elizabeth ; so 
much so, that the Puritans broke into schism in 1566, and 
declared, twenty years afterwards, in the foundation charter 
of the Presbyterian Church, that they could dispense with 
the help of the Government in the reformation of discipline. 
Notwithstanding all the vexations to which they were sub- 
jected, they adopted pretty closely the confession of faith 
of the Anglican Church, and, among other articles, the first 
one concerning the Trinity. 

But the more animated and even savage grew the conflict 
between the Anglican and Presbyterian parties, the more 
did calm and reflective minds and gende hearts feel the 
need of discovering, beyond and above all parties, some 
neutral ground where they could re-unite on a basis of 
reason and piety. It was this need which gave birth in 
philosophy to the theism of Herbert of Cherbury,^^ and in 
religion to the Latitudinarianism of Chillingworth and the 
Unitarianism of Bidle. 

"Before Bidle," writes Alexander Gordon, in a letter 
which we have received from him, " I am not aware of any 
Antitrinitarian author who wrote in English, or who was of 
English origin. But Antitrinitarian works, written in Latin, 
came over from Holland." Let us therefore see if Unita- 
rianism can be considered a Dutch importation. 

^^ G. Lechler, Geschichte des Englischen Deisnms, chap. i. : Stuttgart 
and Tubingen, 1841, 8vo. Cf. E. Sayous, Les Deistes Anglais . Paris, 


Was Unitarian Christianity imported into England from the Loav 
Countries? — Its relation to Erasmus and the Anabaptists. 

The assertion just quoted corresponds with that of Pere 
Guichard. He tells us that what allowed Socinianism 
to gain an entry into England was the indulgence shown 
(in 1535) towards certain Dutch Anabaptists, exiled on the 
death of Jan van Geelen.^ Strype, again, the exact but 
desultory chronicler of the annals of the Reformation in 
Great Britain, relates that in the year 1548 Arian and Ana- 
baptist heresies began to make their appearance. These 
denied psedo-baptism, the incarnation of Jesus Christ, the 
authority of magistrates, the lawfulness of oaths, and the 
rights of individual proprietorship. They pretended also 
that Jesus must have been really man, since he shared the 
attributes of human nature, such as hunger, thirst, and a 
visible body ; tind they declared that the real service ren- 
dered by Christ was, that he led mankind to the accurate 
knowledge of God.^ In this class are to be reckoned John 
Assheton, an English priest (who afterwards recanted), and 
the celebrated Joan Bocher, known by the name of Joan of 
Kent, who spread the Scriptures abroad, and who underwent 
martyrdom with great courage.^ 

^ Guichard, tit sup., p. 126. 

^ Strype, Cranmer's Mcfiiorials, vol. i. book ii. chap. viii. (1548). 

' 'RoheriYI^Wz.cQ, AntitrmitarianBiagj-ap/iy. 3 vols. London, 1S50. 
(Introduction, p. 6.) 


If we now turn to M. de La Roche's abridgment of Brandt's 
History of ihe Reformatmi in the Low Countries^ we shall 
light on a significant document.* This is the judicial exami- 
nation to which an Anabaptist preacher in the province of 
Flanders, Herman van Flekwijk (burnt at Bruges, lo June, 
1569), was subjected by Cornelis Adriaans, of the Franciscan 
convent at Dordrecht, and inquisitor at Bruges, in presence 
of the Secretary and of the Clerk of the Inquisition : 

Inquisitor. " What ! Don't you believe that Christ is the 
second person of the Holy Trinity.'"' 

Anabaptist. " We never call things but as they are called in 

Scripture The Scripture speaks of One God, the Son of 

God, and the Holy Spirit." 

Inq. " If you had read the Creed of St. Athanasius, you would 
have found in it ' God the Father, God the Son, and God the 
Holy Spirit.'" 

Anab. " I am a stranger to the Creed of St. Athanasius. It 
is sufficient for me to believe in the living God, and that Christ 
is the Son of the living God, as Peter believed ; and to believe 
in the Holy Spirit, which the Father hath poured out upon us 
through Jesus Christ our Lord, as Paul says." 

Inq. " You are an impertinent fellow, to fancy that God pours 
out His Spirit upon you, who do not believe that the Holy Spirit 
is God ! You have borrowed those heretical opinions from the 
diabolical books of the cursed Erasmus, of Rotterdam, who, in 
his Preface to the Works of St. Hilar}', pretends that this holy 
man says, at the end of his twelfth Book, ' That the Holy Spirit 
is not called God in any part of the Scripture ; and that we are 
so bold as to call Him so, though the Fathers of the Church 
scrupled to give Him that name.' Will you be a follower of that 
Antitrinitarian ?".... 

* G. Brandt, Histoire abregee de la Reformation aux Pays-Bas, 3 vols. : 
The Hague, 1726, vol. i. 178. [The original, in Dutch, was published 
at Amsterdam, 1671 — 1674, 4 vols. 4to, plates. It has been translated 
into Latin and English. Dr. Toulmin published, 1784, Flekwijk's 
Examination, as A Dialogue between a Dtikh Protestant and a Franciscan 
Fiiar. See Wallace, ut sup., ii. 273.] 


Anab. " God forbid I should deny the divinity of Christ ! We 
beheve that he is a divine and heavenly person ;....! call him 
' the Son of the living God,' as Peter does, and ' the Lord,' as the 
other Apostles call him. He is called in the Acts of the Apostles, 
'Jesus of Nazareth, whom God raised from the dead.' And Paul 
calls him ' that man by whom God shall judge the world in 

Inq. " These are the wretched arguments of the cursed Eras- 
mus, in his small treatise ' On Prayer,' and in his ' Apology to 
the Bishop of Seville.' If you are contented to call Christ the 
' Son of God,' you do not give him a more eminent title than that 
which St. Luke gives to Adam." .... 

Anab. "God forbid! We believe that the body of Christ is 
not earthly, like that of Adam, but that he is a heavenly man, 
as Paul says." .... 

Inq. " But St. John says . . . . ' There are three that bear 
record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, 
and these three are one.'" 

Anab. " I have often heard that Erasmus, in his Annotations 
upon that passage, shows that this text is not in the Greek 

" Thereupon Broer Cornells, turning to the Secretary and the 
Clerk of the Inquisition, said: 'Sirs, what think you of this? 
Am I to blame because I attack so frequently in my sermons 
Erasmus, that cursed Antitrinitarian ? Erasmus has done worse 
still. He says in his 'Annotations upon the Gospel according 
to St. Luke,' chapter iv. ver. 22, that a strange falsification has 
crept into the holy Scripture, by interpolating some words, on 

account of the heretics Nay, this Antitrinitarian whom you 

see here, and the arch-heretic Erasmus, reproach us with having 
added these words, 'Who is over all, God blessed for ever. 
Amen,' in Rom. ix. 5. Or else they pretend that this doxology 
ought to be translated thus : ' Of whom, as concerning the flesh, 
Christ came, who is over all. God be blessed for ever. Amen.'" 

We have reproduced this lengthy extract from an Inqui- 
sitorial report of 1569, because it exhibits a lively picture 
of the extent to which Anabaptism was saturated with Anti- 
trinitarian ideas, as well as of the de2:ree of influence exer- 


cised by the exegesis of Erasmus on the Christology of the 
Reformers. It is not difficult to recognise traces of this 
influence in Luther's Bible and in Calvin's Commentaries. 
Still more decidedly was it felt in England, where Erasmus' 
Annotations and his Paraphrases upon the New Testament 
were officially introduced into every parish (1547). More- 
over, the great missionary of the Renascence had resided at 
Oxford for several years (1498 — 1500), had been professor 
at Cambridge (1509), and had lived in intimate relations 
with the leaders of the new learning in England, John Colet, 
Linacre and Latimer. It is worth while, therefore, to inves- 
tigate the measure of his own approach to Unitarian Chris- 

If we examine the passages in the writings of Erasmus 
bearing upon the Trinity and the divinity of Jesus Christ, 
we find ourselves confronted by two sets of utterances in 
direct opposition to each other. Those in the one set tend 
to destroy the chief Scriptural arguments invoked in aid of 
these dogmata ; those in the other, on the contrary, protest 
with animation against accusations of Arianism, and display 
the official dogma. The passages coming under the former 
category are in general to be met with in his Annotations 
and in his Preface to the Works of St. Hilary.'^ 

One of the most remarkable is the note upon the cele- 
brated verse i John v. 7. Having justified his omission of 
this gloss by the testimony of the Fathers and of the oldest 
manuscripts, Erasmus adds {0pp. v. 1080): 

" But some will say that this verse is an effective weapon 
against the Arians. Very true. But the moment it is proved 
that the reading did not exist of old, either among the Greeks 
or among the Latins, this weapon is no longer worth anything. . . . 

' Cf. Erasmi Opera, edit. Leclerc, vol. vi., 10 vols, folio : Leyden, 
1706. Annotationes ad Rom. ix. 5; ad Ephes. v. 5; ad Philipp. ii. 6; 
ad I Johan. v. 7, &c. Cf. Divi Hilarii, Pictavorum Episcopi, Lucubra- 
tioHCS, per Erasmum cmendatcE : Basle, 1523. See Appendix II. 


Even admitting it were undisputed, do we think the Arians such 
blockheads as not to have appHed the same interpretation [as in 
the previous verse] to the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit? 
. . . Such performances rather compromise than strengthen the 
faith Far better is it to employ our pious studies in endeavour- 
ing to resemble God, than in indiscreet discussion with a view to 
ascertain wherein the Son is distinguished from the Father, and 
wherein the Holy Spirit differs from the other two." 

On the other hand, in his Explication of the Apostles' 
Creed, and in his Apology, addressed to Alfonso Manrico, 
Archbishop of Seville, against the heretical articles extracted 
from his works by certain Spanish monks,*^ Erasmus expresses 
his adhesion to the Trinitarian dogma in these terms : 

"All my studies, in innumerable places, clearly proclaim agree- 
ment with the definition of the Trinity handed down by the 
Catholic Church, namely, the equality of the Divine nature in 
three persons ; or better still, the same undivided essence in three 
persons, distinct in that which is peculiar to each (proprietates)^ 
but not in nature." 

This contradiction is not merely apparent, but real. It 
results from the false attitude which Erasmus had assumed 
towards the Roman Church, opposing the ignorant and fana- 
tical. monks in behoof of the rights of philology and criti- 
cism, but in the last resort subordinating — we were going to 
say sacrificing — the results of his inquiry to the authority of 
the Church. Erasmus resembles an astronomer who should 
come and tell you, "All my observations lead me to think 
that there is but one sphere in the sun ; but the Church 
teaches that there are three, so I bow to its decision." He 
makes this avowal in his letter to Wilibald Pirckheimer, when 
he says, "The Church has so much authority in my eyes, 

® Apologia adversiis articulos aliquos pa' inonachos quosdam in Hispania 
exhibitos, Reverendiss. Alfonso Mam-ico, archiepiscopo Hispalensi: Basle, 
14 March, 1528. Erasmi Opera, ix. 1023. Cf. Explication of the Apostles 
Creed, vol. v. 1 1 39. 


that I would subscribe to Arianism and to Pelagianism, if 
these doctrines were approved by the Church."'' 

If Erasmus was not Unitarian, in the proper sense of the 
term, he at any rate, by his strictly philological exegesis, 
supplied weapons to the adversaries of the Trinity, particu- 
larly to the Anabaptists of the Low Countries. What is 
more, this most moderate of the initiators of the Reforma- 
tion, with his strong good sense, and a spirit of tolerance 
almost unknown in that age, pleaded the cause of these 
radicals against the magistrates of Zurich, who mercilessly 
carried out Zwingli's cruel jest upon the Anabaptists : " Qui 
iterum mergunt, mergantur ipsi" (Dip the twice dippers, 
and drown them). 

" What," cries he, speaking of the people of Zurich, " they 
maintain that their own friends ought not to be punished with 
death as heretics, and yet they put to death the Anabaptists, 
though these are people against whom hardly a reproach can be 
cast, yea, though many of them have given up a very bad, and 
taken to a very virtuous life. , Mistakes they may commit, but 
never have they laid siege to towns and churches."* 

It here devolves upon us to determine by investigation 

- ^ Erasmus Roterodanius Bilibaldo Pirckheimero (Basle, 19 Oct. 1527) : 
" Ecclesiam autem voco totius populi christiani consensum. . . . Quantum 
apud alios valeat auctoritas Ecclesi^, nescio ; certe apud me tantum valet, 
ut cum Arianis et Pelagianis sentiri possim, si probasset Ecclesia quod 
illi docuerunt. Nee mihi non sufficiunt verba Christi, sed mirum videri 
non debet, si sequor interpretem Ecclesiam, cujus auctoritate persuasus 
credo Scripturis Canonicis." (Erasmi 0pp. iii. part i. 1028, letter 905.) 
[" By the Church I mean the consentient voice of the entire Christian 
community. . . . What value may be attached by others to the authority of 
the Church, I cannot say. Certainly with me it is so strong that I can 
think with the Arians and Pelagians if the Church had approved what 
they have taught. It is not that the words of Christ are insufficient for 
me ; but it ought not to seem strange if I follow the Church in her inter- 
pretation of them, since it is on the persuasion of her authority that I 
believe the Canonical Scriptures."] 
* Brandt, jU sup.., vol. i. 33 if. 


what are the points in common between Anabaptism and 
Unitarian Christianity, and wherein they differ. In con- 
ducting this investigation, we shall leave aside the German 
Anabaptists, such as Johann Denk (d. 1527) and Ludwig 
Hatzer (d. 1529), Martin Cellarius, or Borhaus (d. 1564), 
and Melchior Hofmann (d. 1550),-' as not directly belonging 
to our subject. We shall deal specifically with the Nether- 
land Anabaptists, inasmuch as in them the Baptist ideas of 
the continent found the vehicle of their transmission into 
England. Such were Jan van Geelen, David Joris, Adam 
Pastoris and others. 

Anabaptism made its appearance in the Low Countries 
almost as soon as it did in Germany. One may say of this 
region what Professor Ch. Schmidt has said of the Rhine 
Provinces in the middle ages, that it was the classic ground 
of heresy. From Leiden and Haarlem came the leaders 
of the Miinster Anabaptist movement, Jan Bocholdt (or 
rather Beukelszoon) and Jan Matthias, or Matthisson, of 
Haarlem ; and we must do these men the justice to observe 
that, if they had recourse to revolutionary proceedings by 
way of reforming the Church and society, they bore with 
courage the terrible measures of repression of which they 
were the victims. The two first agents of the sect were Jan 
^Vaaden and Jan Trijpmaaker (i. e. plush-maker). The latter, 
a friend and representative of Melchior Hofmann, had re- 
baptised many citizens of Amsterdam. Both were arrested, 
put to torture, and burnt alive at The Hague (1527 and 
1533). The year following, Jan Van Geelen, one of the 
followers of the Prophet of Miinster, provoked a species of 
riot at Amsterdam (March, 1534). One fine morning, the 

" [This exclusion of Hofmann is qualified in the next paragraph. His 
personal relations with Holland were very close ; and the influence of 
his opinions in England was direct. See Robert Barclay, Inner Life of 
Religions Societies of the Cominonwealt/i, 3rd ed. p. 14: London, 1879.] 


citizens of the great city were startled out of their sleep by 
a hundred or so of Anabaptists, who, divested of every gar- 
ment and brandishing naked swords, ran through the streets 
crying out, " We are the naked truth 1 Woe to the wicked ! 
Repent, and the blessing of the Lord shall rest upon the 
city !" They were arrested and sent to the stake. Two 
years later, Anabaptism had made such progress, that van 
Geelen succeeded in surprising and taking the Town-hall of 
Amsterdam, and fortified himself in it with two or three 
hundred of his partisans. Artillery had to be employed to 
force them to yield. Van Geelen himself was killed during 
the assault (lo May, 1535). The survivors were quartered, 
and their hearts, still palpitating, torn out. 

Among the Anabaptists of the first raw stage, socialistic 
and revolutionary instincts took precedence of religious 
wants and theological systems. But we now come into 
contact with an original thinker, the author of nearly three 
hundred treatises, some of them of great length, and by his 
correspondence brought into relations with nearly every 
country in Europe. David Joris,^^ born at Delft (1501) of 
poor parents, learned the profession of glass-painter ; but, 
endowed with an ambitious and turbulent character, and a 
teeming imagination, he began publicly to declaim against 
the idolatrous pageantries of the Catholic worship, and was 
a first time expelled from his native town, after having had 
his tongue pierced. Having been re-baptised by Obbe 
Philips, he went back to Delft ; and persuading himself, as 
the result of certain visions, that he was the first-born of the 
Spirit, the new Adam, he began an active propagandism. 
He soon acquired such influence that, at the Conference 

i" [His baptismal name was Jan ; his father's name was Georgius Joris, 
and hence he had the patronymic of Joris, or Joriszoon. He is said to 
have got the name of Uavid from his playing that part as assistant to his 
father, a travelling mountebank.] 


held (August, 1536) near Buckholdt, in the diocese of 
Miinster, he succeeded in reconciUng the four branches 
of the Anabaptist sect : the Hofmannites, the Miinsterians, 
the Battenburgians, and the Mennonites.^^ However, the 
magistrates of Delft having been informed that Joris and his 
assistant, Mainard van Emden, held assemblies day and 
night, ordered (2 January, 1538) all Anabaptists to leave the 
town in eight days, and set a price on the heads of the two 
preachers. The Anabaptists having allowed the time to 
expirej in expectation of miraculous aid, thirty-five were 
ssized and executed. Among these was Mary, the mother 
of David Joris. The persecution spread to the towns of 
Haarlem, Amsterdam, Leiden and Rotterdam. Following 
these bloody deeds of repression, in 1535 and 1538, came 
the first emigrations of Anabaptists to England ; where, on 
the contrary, the laws against heretics had lately been some- 
what relaxed. 

After wandering about for many years, and having vainly 
appealed to the Landgrave Philip of Hesse (about 1543), 
Joris retired to the neighbourhood of Emden, in East Fries- 
land, where he gathered a little community around him. 
This town, which is now only known as a commercial port, 
was then the focus of a great religious agitation. The 
different parties, Lutheran, Calvinist and Catholic, there 
fought for souls, and gave themselves up to polemics. The 
Anabaptists, under the guidance of Obbe and Dirk Philips, 
sons of a Catholic priest of Leeuwaarden, had formed nume- 
rous societies. When John a Lasco (Jan Laski) was charged 

^^ ["A certain Englishman of the name of * Henry' was very active in 
promoting this meeting, and himself paid the travelling expenses of the 
deputies. England was represented by John Mathias, of Middleburg 
(who was afterwards burnt at London for his adhesion to the tenets of 
Melchior Hofman). It is interesting to notice that the representatives of 
England were very indignant at the loose views of the Miinster party." 
Barclay, Inner Life, p. 77, his authority being Nippold's Life of Joris.] 


by the reigning Countess Anna of Oldenburg to introduce 
the Reformation into her states, and to give a regular orga- 
nisation to the Church (1540 — 1548), the noble Pole had 
particularly to contend against the Anabaptist societies of 
Menno Simons and David Joris. For example, he main- 
tained, about 1543-44, a very curious controversy in writing 
with Joris,^'-^ but did not succeed in disabusing him of his 
belief in a "supernatural vocation." 

The ideas of Joris, as expounded in his V Wonderbocck 
(Book of Wonders), and in his Explication of the Creation, 
are reducible to this fundamental principle, " that the true 
Word of God does not consist in the outward letter of the 
Bible, but in the inner voice which is audible to a humble 
and believing heart." As for the Trinity, he thought it a 
useless problem, and one which concerns only those who 
are well prepared for meditation on celestial things. He 
explains himself, however, on this point in his IVonde^book. 
Joris declares that there is but " one God, sole and indi- 
visible, and that it is contrary to the operation of God 
throughout creation to admit a God in three persons, or 
that the three make but one, as taught in the Athanasian 
Creed." Nevertheless, resuming the old theory of Joachim 
of Flora (d. 1202), he admits that God has revealed himself 
in three human persons, Moses, Christ and David (doubtless 
David Joris), who preside over three great periods of history. 
Joris was excommunicated by the disciples of Melchior Hof- 
mann at Strassburg, and by those of Menno Simons in Fries- 
land, on account of his Antitrinitarian opinions. He took 
refuge in Basle, where, under the name of Johann von 
Brugge, or von Binningen, he lived in comfort and with 
security, in the society of two wives. He died on the 2nd 
August, 1556. 

^^ See the learned monograph of Prof. Nippold, of Berne, on David 
Joris, in the Zeitschrift fiir Histonsche Tkeologie, 1863, 1864, 1868; 3rd 
article, p. 575. 


Around this same church of Emden flits the figure of 
another Anabaptist teacher, Adam Pastor, who had also 
been excommunicated by the Mennonites for his Antitrini- 
tarian opinions. In the view of Pastor, as in that of Joris, 
the Deity is one and indivisible ; Christ is, it is true, pre- 
existent as regards the world, but not co-eternal with God ; 
he holds with the Father a community of will, but not of 
essence ; and the Holy Spirit is but an impersonal power, a 
gift of God. Persecuted by Catholic magistrates, repulsed 
by the Anabaptists, Pastoris led a wayfaring life, and con- 
cealed his identity under various pseudonyms, among others 
that of Rudolph Martini. ^'^ According to a very probable 
conjecture, he it was who first carried Unitarian ideas into 
Poland, under the name of Spiritus Belga ; but he returned 
to finish his days at Emden about 1552.^'* 

Among the friends of David Joris was a certain Hendrik 
Niclaes (d. about 1570), originally of Miinster, in West- 
phalia (b. 1502), who separated himself from the rest of the 
Anabaptists in order to found a secret society of mystics 
at Emden, called the Family of Love [Hiisgesin der Lieften). 
He taught that the Bible was only an imprint on paper 
of the Word of God, but that the true Word is spirit 
and life ; that this Spirit manifests itself by revelations in 
every regenerate man ; and, finally, that the criterion of the 
presence of the Spirit in us is peace and love. Like his 
master, Joris, he denied the ontological Trinity. This sect 
was distinguished from the rest by being secret, and by pos- 
sessing a hierarchy similar to that of the Church of Rome. 
As early as 1555, Hendrik Niclaes sent one of his disciples, 
Christopher Vitells (or Virst), from Delft to Colchester to 

•'■' [This was probably his real name.] 

^* See Trechsel, ut sup., i. 36. Cf. Wallace, Antiir. Biog. ii. 163 ff. 
[Spiritus, in Ochino's Thirty Dialogues (1563), sustains the part of the 


make proselytes. Vitells denied the divinity of Christ, and 
treated Trinitarians as tritheists. He having recanted, about 
1569, Niclaes visited England in person ; and it seems that 
he left numerous proselytes there, for ten years afterwards 
the Familists and their writings swarmed in England, and 
became the subject of severe edicts on the part of Queen 
Elizabeth. ^^ 

We have seen that the bloody persecution, which followed 
the exploits of Jan van Geelen at Amsterdam and the 
preaching of Joris at Delft, had led to the first immigrations 
of Anabaptists into England, 1535— 1538. The application 
of the Interim of Augsburg to all the Rhenish Provinces, 
and in particular to the County of East Friesland, compelled 
many thousand Protestants of Germany, Alsace and the 
Low Countries, to take refuge in England.^"^ Then it was 
that John a Lasco left Emden (1549). Among the refugees 
were a great number of Anabaptists, but these latter did 
not long profit by the generous hospitality of Edward VI. 

As early as 1551, we encounter, among the victims of 
the intolerance of the English hierarchy, a surgeon named 
Georg van Parris, who was originally from Mainz, and 
had become a member of the Strangers' Church in London, 
where he won esteem by his piety, his temperance, and his 
charity. This medical practitioner, perhaps a disciple of 
David Joris, forcibly denounced infant baptism, and also 
the dogma of the Trinity. He acknowledged the Father as 
the only true God, and Jesus Christ as his supernatural and 
perfect Son. Not choosing to recant, he was condemned 
to the torments of fire, and suffered martyrdom at Smithfield 
(25 April, 155 1 ) with a constancy that drew tears from his 
executioners. Unquestionably he was not the only one 

^^ See the article of M. Nippold, in the Zeitschrift ffn- Jiistorische 
T/ieologie, 1862, p. 543. Cf. Barclay, Liner Life, pp. 25, 35. 
" See Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 161 and 162 (Ochino to Musculus). 



among these Anabaptist refugees^" who professed Antitrini- 
tarian opinions. For it is precisely in this Strangers' Church 
that, a few years later, as we shall see, the first controversies 
on this question broke out.^^ 

It results from the inquiry we have undertaken, that in 
this fermentation period of the Reformation the Anabaptists 
had many features of concurrence with Unitarians. These 
two parties, placing the Word of God above human tradition, 
represented by the Papacy, contemplated a radical reform 
of the Church, and would have suppressed every rite or 
dogma which was not expressly set forth in the Bible : for 
example, p^edobaptism, the hierarchy, judicial oaths, military 
service, &c. They entertained a kindred antipathy for meta- 
physical discussions, a kindred predilection for moral and 
practical questions. In their eyes, what makes the Christian 
is his life and not his dogma ; and hence the real Chris- 
tian faith dates only from conversion. ^'•^ In fine, most of 
the Anabaptists denied, in common with Unitarians, the 
orthodox dogma of the Incarnation,^'^ although several of 

^^ See Zurich Letters, 3 sen, Letter 33 (Hooper to Bullinger). 

^^ We must also reckon in the number of these Antitrinitarians from 
Holland a certain Justus Velsius, from The Hague. He published at 
London, about 1563, a book entitled Christianl flominis Norma, in 
which he held Jesus Christ to be "God in man," or rather Man-God, 
and that every Christiaia may, like his exemplar, become by faith " man- 
God." See Strype, Life of Griitdal, pp. 135, 138. 

■•^ Such seems to us the tendency of an anonymous book entitled 
Sumina der godliker Scriftitren, published 1523 in Holland, soon trans- 
lated into French, English and Italian, and lately reprinted in German 
under the auspices of Dr. Benrath, Leipzig, 1880. In this little book, 
derived at once from the Theologia Gerviattica and the Suniniary of 
Farel, there is no mention of the Trinity. 

-*' Zurich Letters, 3 sen, Letter 33 (Hooper to Bullinger) ; letter 265 
(Micronius to Bullinger). [The doctrines gibbeted in these two letters 
are diametrically opposed. Hooper says the Anabaptists "deny altoge- 
ther that Christ was born of the Virgin Mary according to the flesh," i.e. 


them, Melchior Hofmann and Menno Simons, for example, 
remained Trinitarians.-^ 

But what distinguished the Anabaptists is, that for the 
interpretation of Scripture they resorted to the testimony of 
the Holy Spirit ; and that, by degrees reducing the written 
Word to a lower level than the inner Voice, they confounded 
the latter with sensual and selfish instincts, and fell into 
antinomian and millenarian mysticism. The Unitarians, on 
the contrary, by proclaiming Reason as the sovran inter- 
preter of the Bible, ran the risk of grounding on the reef of 
Rationalism ; yet, in virtue of their very spirituality, they 
did not insist upon a radical change in sacramental forms 
and church government, but devoted themselves, above 
everything, to the reformation of dogma and character. 

The Anabaptists reached their logical issue in mystical 
fanaticism ; the Unitarians, in rationalism and toleration. 

they held the Valentinian view, that the heavenly manhood of Jesus 
came into the world through the Virgin, taking nothing of her substance. 
Microen says that those whom he calls Arians "deny the conception of 
Christ by the Virgin," i.e. they regard Christ as a purely human birth.] 
"^ [But not orthodox Trinitarians, since both were Valentinians. 
Simons expressly objected to the terms "Trinity" and "person."] 

E 2 


Is Unitarian Christianity of Alsatian or of Swiss Origin ?— Capito — 
Hooper and Puritanism — Cranmer and the Strangers' Church. 

We have already noticed the influence exerted by certain 
writings of Erasmus upon the development of Antitrinitarian 
ideas among the Anabaptists ; no less marked was their 
effect upon the revival of theological studies in England. 
Not only were his Biblical works, his Annotations, and his 
Paraphrases of the New Testament, in the hands of the 
most obscure of the country incumbents, but his presence 
at Basel attracted thither all those of the English clergy 
whose hearts were set on shaking off the intellectual lethargy 
into which they were thrown by formalism. Ere long, when 
Erasmus shrank from a schism with Rome, another group of 
theologians, following the Zwinglian impulse, and including 
the names of Q^^colampadius (Hausschein), Simon Grynseus 
(Gryner) and Oswald Myconius (Geisshauser), formed itself 
at Basel side by side with the party of Erasmus, yet not 
altogether holding aloof from him. On the other hand, 
Strassburg, with its learned philologists, Sturm and Fagius, 
and its moderate theologians, Bucer and Capito (Kopstein), 
kept up with Basel and Zurich an interchange of ideas. But 
for a long period, subsequent even to the death of Zwingli, 
and lasting till the advent of Calvin, Ziirich was the head- 
quarters of the directing group. It was there that Henry 
BuUinger, Bibhander (Buchmann\ Leo Judae (Jud), Pellican 
(Kurschner) and others taught. 

England soon entered into relations with these Reformers 


in German Switzerland. She had then at her head a king 
who plumed himself on being a theologian, and did not fear 
to measure swords with Luther. It was in connection with 
the affair of the divorce of Henry VIII. from Catherine of 
Arragon (1531 — 1534)) that the first letters were exchanged 
between the theologians of the two countries. 

The despotic king, impatient of the delays of Pope Cle- 
mente VII. and of Cardinal Wolsey's tergiversations, had 
eagerly accepted the idea suggested by Dr. Cranmer, then 
but a Fellow at Cambridge, that the principal Universities 
of Europe should be consulted on the question of the valid- 
ity of his marriage with his brother's widow, in order to 
impose the decision of the majority upon the Holy See. 
Simon Grynaeus, Professor of Philosophy and Theology, who 
had visited England in 1531, had been specially charged by 
the king to collect the opinions of his colleagues at Basel, 
Zurich and Strassburg ; and in his letter to the king of loth 
September, 1531, he was already able to forward him those 
of Qicolampadius and Zwingli, which were favourable to the 
divorce, while Melanchthon's was opposed to it.^ Such a 
result was well calculated to augment the mutual good feel- 
ing. Hence, when Cranmer had obtained the metropolitan 
see of Canterbury {1534), he gave the preference to the 
Swiss Universities when sending young Englishmen abroad 
to study for the Church. Between 1536 and 1539, we find at 
Ziirich and Geneva four English theological students — John 
Butler, of a rich and noble family ; Nicolas Partridge, from 
Kent ; Nicolas Eliot, also a law student ; and Bartholomew 
Traheron (a writer against the Arians, 1557), who had suf- 
fered persecution at Oxford in the cause of the gospel. 

Already, in fact, the reputation for learning and piety of 
the young author of the Institution of the Christian Religion 
was attracting to Geneva all minds athirst for truth. The 

^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 255 to 259. 


letter to Calvin from two of these students, which constitutes, 
as it were, the first salutation of England to the great French 
Reformer, testifies to the enthusiasm with which Calvin's 
''most amiable and most learned" teaching, and Farel's 
"truly heroic spirit" had inspired them." 

For the moment, however, it was still Alsace and German 
Switzerland that obtained the highest repute among the 
English. In return for the students which were sent to 
them, the professors of Strassburg and Zurich forwarded 
their books to England. Wolfgang F. Capito dedicated to 
Henry VIII. his treatise entitled Responsnm de Missa, Matri- 
monio et 'jFure Magistratus in Rdigione, and received a 
hundred crowns as a present from the king.^ Soon after- 
wards, his colleague, Martin Bucer, dedicated to Cranmer 
his Cojumentary on the Epistle to the Romajis, complimenting 
him on lending an increasingly active support to the efforts 
of Latimer and Foxe, and penning these significant counsels : 
"There are too many things still wanting to us, unless it be 
enough to have shaken off the yoke of the Pope, and to be 

unwilling to take upon us the yoke of Christ But if 

God be for us, who can be against us ? And Christianity is 
a warfare."'* Finally, Zwingli's true successor at Ziirich and 
in all the eastern parts of Switzerland, Henry Bullinger, dedi- 
cated to Henry VIII. his two books published under the 
title, De Scripturce SanctcB Authoritate, Certitudinc, Finnitate 
et absobita Perfectione, deque Episcoporuvi . . . Iiistitiitioiie et 
Functione, &=€. (1538). These were wonderfully well received, 
not only by the king, but also by Thomas, Baron Cromwell 
(afterwards Earl of Essex), Keeper of the Privy Seal, and 
Vicar-General of the Church of England.^ Bullinger subse- 

- Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 285. 
^ Ibid., 3 ser., Letter 8 (Cranmer to Capito). 
* Ibid., 3 ser., Letter 244 (Bucer to Cranmer). 

^ Ibid., 3 ser., Letters 280 and 284 (Partridge and Eliot to Bullinger) ; 
Letter 260 (Micronius to Bullinger). 


quently dedicated Book iii. and a part of Book iv. of his 
Decades to Edward VI. 

Furnished with this stamp of royal fav.our, BuUinger's 
books speedily circulated among all ranks of the clergy, and 
went off so well in an English dress that many booksellers 
were enriched by their sale. Their readers especially appre- 
ciated the Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul and the 
Decades, which, almost as much as the Paraphrases of Eras- 
mus, helped to restore evangelical preaching in England. 
BuUinger's Epistle on the Mass and his Treatise on Obedience 
to Magistrates were also translated.'' 

Such, from 1531 to 15 40, were the sympathetic relations 
between Reformed Switzerland and England, still three parts 
Catholic. Do we find in this first period any traces of 
Antitrinitarianism ? At first sight it would seem scarcely 
probable. We have cited above" the categorical declaration 
of Zwingli in favour of the Athanasian dogma in his De Vera 
et Palsa Religione. Faithful to Zwingli's teaching, the first 
Helvetic Confession, drawn up by Henry BuUinger in con- 
cert with Grynasus and Myconius, contains the following 
expressions : 

Art. VI. Of God. — " These are the ideas we have of God : 
That there is one only true, living, and omnipotent God, 
unique in essence, and who, in this unity, has three persons ; 
who has created all things from nothing by His Word, that 
is to say, by Flis Son." Article XI. acknowledges no less 
explicitly that Jesus Christ is "very God and very Man."^ 

^ Zurich Letters, 3 sen, Letter 189 (Johannes ab Ulmis to Bullinger 

^ Zwingli and CEcolampadius, to meet the accusations of Luther and 
Melanchthon, who reproached them with encouraging the denial of the 
Trinity, signed a Trinitarian Confession of Faith at Marburg. See Erich- 
son : art. on the Colloquy of Marburg in Lichtenberger's Encyclopedic, 
and Zwinglii Opera, ed. Schuler and Schulthess, viii. 1 18 (Zwingli to the 
Magistrates of Zurich). 

^ Ruchat, Ilistoire de la Reformation en Suisse, vol. v. (1728), S"- 


Further, the severity with which the magistrates of Ziirich 
(1525; and of Strassburg (1527) repressed the Anabaptist 
movements is well known ; and the letter from the English 
students to Calvin indicates that, in 1537, the authorities 
of Geneva were not less busy with precautionary measures 
against these radicals of the Reformation. 

Yet one result of these theological conflicts, as of the 
struggle between two civilisations, is that the ideas of the 
vanquished make in their turn an impression upon the 
victors. It is thus that Calvin himself felt the influence of 
Servetus and of Lelio Sozini.'' An analogous phenomenon 
is presented, at the same period, by the mental history of 
W. F. Capito, one of the three Reformers of Strassburg. 
Capito, originally from Hagenau, and some time Provost 
of St. Thomas at Strassburg, had (subsequently to 1523) 
entered into close relations with several Antitrinitarian Ana- 
baptists ; among others, with Ludwig Hatzer {from Thurgau) 
and with Martin Cellarius (d. 1564).^*^ 

Hatzer (d. 1529), who was for a considerable time the 
guest of Capito, associated himself with John Denk in the 
propaganda of a species of pantheism ; and openly pro- 
claimed the personal unity of God and the humanity of 
Christ. Martin Cellarius, perhaps chronologically the first 
of the Antitrinitarians (if we except Erasmus), published at 
Strassburg his book, De Operibus Dei (1527), in which he 
accords to Jesus the title of God, in the sense that the Holy 
Spirit dwelt in him without measure ; but in which he also 
says that we are all likewise gods, and sons of the Most High, 
by participation in the same Spirit, and according to the 
measure of the gift of Jesus Christ. Capito did not scruple 

^ [The power of Servetus as a Christian thinker is recognised in the 
very energy with which Calvin set himself to crush his influence ; the 
attraction of L. Sozini as a Christian man Calvin owned in the easy 
terms on which he recognised his soundness in the faith.] 

^^ Trechsel, ut sup., vol. i. 17, 24. 


to write a Preface for this book," in which he eulogises the 
spiritual gifts of the author ; mentions many topics on which 
he had conversed with him, among others the knowledge of 
one only God, of Christ, and of the Holy Spirit ; and recog- 
nises the incomplete and transitory character of the Refor- 
mation in which they are both of them engaged. Less than 
this would have sufficed to bring Capito under suspicion of 
heresy ; and this is the explanation of the following passage 
in a letter from Dionysius Melander to Capito. 

" For there are false brethren who say, both in writing and 
by word of mouth, that you to begin with, and further that the 
Strassburg Protestants in general, entertain wrong opinions con- 
cerning the Trinity, and concerning Christ's Divinity. . . . But 
I made excuse in the mean time for you and your townsmen, 
whom I hold second to none in my affection. I said you hold 
sound views ; that perhaps you had said this word 'Trinity' is 
not in the Scriptures ; but that it does not follow that you hold 
wrong opinions concerning God, Christ, and the Holy Spirit."^'^ 

Suspicions such as these, based on gossip, do not appear 
to us to warrant the classing of Capito among the Antitri- 
nitarian teachers who have contributed to the formation of 
English Unitarianism. 

1^ Wallace, ut sup., vol. i. art. Cellarius. [This Preface {Epistola 
privliminaria, scripta Argentina, anno 1527) was reprinted, along with 
Cellarius' chapter De Restaiiratione Ecclesia:, at the end of the treatise 
De Mediatoris Jesti Christi. &c. (by Francis David, the Unitarian Bishop), 
published in 1568 at Alba Julia (Gyula Fehervar, now Karoly Fehervar 
or Karlsburg, in Transylvania).] 

1- Wallace, tit sup., vol. iii. app. ii. " Sunt enim falsi fratres, qui te 
primum,deinde Argentoratenses male sentire de Trinitate, deque Christi 

divinitate et scribunt et dicunt Excusavi tamen interim te atque 

tuos, quos in primis charos habeo Dixi bene sentire vos, fortasse 

voculam hanc 'Trinitas' non esse in Scripturis dixisse vos; non tamen 
propterea male sentire de Deo, Christo et Sp. S." — This letter was 
extracted by Trechsel (i. 25, 26') from a manuscript in the Frey-Grynaische 
Bibliothek at Basel, i. 19, No. 47. 


But let us pursue our investigation into the relations of 
England with Switzerland. 

In 1539, there was a marked coolness between the two 
countries, in consequence of the Act of the Six Articles, 
imposed on the English clergy by the caprice of Henry VIII. 
The effect of these Articles was to re-establish the Mass, the 
celibacy of the priesthood and auricular confession, and to 
tear up the compact arrived at in 1535 between the schismatic 
king and the Protestant theologians.^^ The Archbishop of 
Canterbury, accustomed to bow to the caprices of a sovereign 
who was sure to reward submission by promotion, remained 
at Lambeth by desire of Henry VIII., simply sending his 
wife and children to Germany. But all those who consti- 
tuted within the Church of England an element firmly and 
decisively pledged to a genuine evangelical Reformation, 
protested, each in his own way. 

Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, who was chaplain to the 
king and had plenty of courage, resigned his see and retired 
to the country; but he was soon arrested and shut up in the 
Tower, where he remained until the death of Henry. Miles 
Coverdale, who shares the palm with William Tyndal as a 
translator of the Bible, and who afterwards translated into 
German and Latin the Communion Order of Edward VI. 
(1548);^* John Rogers, chaplain to the English Church at 
Antwerp, and Tyndal's workfellow in the translation of the 
Bible ; and, above all, John Hooper (properly Hoper), 
chaplain to Sir Thomas Arundel, — left England to take 
refuge on the continent. 

After having passed several years at Strassburg, where he 
contracted a friendship with Girolamo Zanchi, Hooper took 
up his residence at Zurich. Here he gave himself with 

^* Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 245 (Bucer to Cranmer). 

^■* Ibid., 3 sen, Letters 19 and 20 (Coverdale to Calvin; Coverdale to 


ardour to the study of the sacred tongues and to meditation 
upon the New Testament, and here, acting on the advice 
of BuUinger, who became his friend, he married. Here it 
was that Hooper became thoroughly imbued with those 
convictions of the exclusive authority of the Bible and the 
simplicity of divine worship, which soon made him the father 
of Puritanism. In fact, when, two years and a half after the 
accession of the pious Edward VI. (1550), he returned to 
his native land and was nominated Bishop of Gloucester, he 
refused to submit to two formalities which he considered as 
remnants of Romish superstition. The first was the wearing 
of the sacerdotal vestments, which he regarded as a symbolism 
keeping up a connection with Antichrist ; the second was the 
Oath of Supremacy, tendered in the form, "So help me God, 
all Saints, and the holy Evangelists." ^^ This controversy, 
which stirred all England for several months, and ended in a 
compromise very honourable for Hooper, was not so childish 
as it appears to us at the distance of three centuries. It was 
the very principle of all reformation that was at stake ; the 
principle laid down by the Lord Jesus when he said, " No 
man seweth a piece of undressed cloth on an old garment : 
else that which should fill it up taketh from it," nor " putteth 
new wine into old wine-skins ;" and confirmed by the Apostle 
Paul, "Let each man be fully assured in his own mind." 
Yes, in this resistance of Hooper to High-church formalism, 
the whole Puritan movement was latent in germ. 

The too brief reign of Edward VI. saw the fullest develop- 
ment of the Reformation in England. It was aided by the 
return of the English refugees, Hooper, Coverdale and 
Rogers, who had in exile become disciples of Calvin, and 
by the influence of a picked band of foreign theologians. 

^^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 260 to 264 (Micronius to Bullinger). 
[This was the 1549 Oath; in 1562 it was altered to "So help me God, 
through Jesus Christ."] 


Bucer and John a Lasco, Pietro Martire Vermigli and Ber- 
nardino Ochino, who had come to seek in Great Britain a 
shelter from the vexations of the Interim (after 1547). To 
this period belong two memorable acts of Archbishop Cran- 
mer, the scheme for convoking " a Synod of the most learned 
and excellent persons," with a view to establish a consensus 
among all Protestant churches as regards fundamentals, 
" and especially for an agreement upon the sacramentarian 
controversy," ^'^ and the constitution of the Strangers' Church 
in London.^'' 

In the matter of dogmatic and ritual reforms, Cranmer's 
first principle was to stay within the strict limits of apostolic 
tradition. Hence his severity against the Anabaptists, who 
aimed at a radical reform, and hence the eighteenth of the 
Articles of 1551, which declares those to be heretics "that 
presume to sale, that euery man shalbe saued by the Lawe, 
or Secte which he professeth, so that he bee diligente to 
frame his life according to that Lawe, and the lighte of 
Nature." ^s 

On the other hand, the Primate of all England held a 
deeply-rooted feeling for the corporate union of all the Chris- 
tian churches, and for the triumph of the evangelical Refor- 
mation in Europe. Hence his second principle, namely, to 
prove, when dealing with continental Protestants, very broad 
in regard to forms of worship and systems of church govern- 

This double principle of Cranmer, dogmatic strictness 
and ecclesiastical breadth, presided over the constitution 

1^ Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 9 to 15 (Cranmer' to Melanchthon. 
Calvin, and J. a Lasco). Cf. Strype, Monorials, vol. ii. part i, yi 
1548 (Letter from Melanchthon to Edward VL). 

1^ Calvini Opera, lit sup., vol. xiii, 1399, 1409, 1432. Cf. Ziirich 
Letters, 3 ser., Letters 262 to 265. 

^^ [Hardwick, Hist, of Articles, app. iii.] 


of the Strangers' Church in London, in which he, with 
Sir John Cheke and VViUiani Cecil, the Secretary of State, 
had the largest share. We may judge of this from a brief 
analysis of the Privilege octroye par le Roy \Edimard Sixihne'] 
a r Eglise des Estrangei's, i?istituee a Londres ran 1550.^-' 

After divers considerations drawn from the duty of princes 
towards God's holy gospel and the apostolic religion, and 
from the pity inspired by the "Germans and other strangers" 
banished on account of religion, and who had no place in 
which they could carry on their religious affairs in a language 
they understood and according to the custom of their 
country, the king orders that henceforth there shall be a 
temple in London, called the Temple of the Lord Jesus, 
where the holy gospel may be purely interpreted, and the 
Sacraments administered according to the Word of God and 
the apostolic ordinance. The further provisions of the 
patent may be arranged under four heads. 

1. This temple (or maison dediee) shall have a superinten- 
dent and four ministers of the Word, who shall form a 
separate corporation in the city of London, they and their 

2. The king grants them the church formerly belonging 
to the Augustins, and all the ground and site of the said 
church, the choir excepted, to enjoy in frank-almoin. 

3. The king accords them full power to increase the 
number of ministers, according as necessity shall arise. 

4. Finally and above all, the king commands the mayor, 
aldermen and sheriffs of his city of London, the Bishop of 

^^ Collier, ut sup., vol. ix. app. No. 65. Cf. Joannes Utenhovius 
Gandavus, Simplex et fidclis Narratio de instituta ac demuin dissipala 
Belgarum alioni nique Peregn'nortctit in Anglia Ecclesia, &c. : Basel, 1560. 
See Appendix III. [In Edward VI. 's Journal, under date 29 June, 
1550, Austin Friars is said to be given "to the Dutch nation in London, 
to have their service in, for avoiding all sects of Ana- Baptists and such 


London, and their successors, " with all others, Archbishops, 
bishops, justices, officers, &c., that they permit the aforesaid 
superintendent and ministers and their successors, freely 
and quietly to indulge, enjoy, use and exercise their own 
rites and ceremonies and proper and particular ecclesiastical 
discipline, notwithstanding that these may not agree with 
the rites and ceremonies practised in our kingdom." 

The Strangers' Church, endowed with so liberal a charter, 
was calculated to survive Thomas Cranmer; but other 
events were in store; the Catholic reaction under Mary 
Tudor had the effect of violently overturning the noble plan 
of an Evangelical Alliance formed by him ; and, by sending 
many hundreds of English Protestants to the continent, 
hurried on the catastrophe of the crisis which troubled the 
Anglican Church. In fact, the exile of five or six hundred 
of the most distinguished members of the Anglican Church, 
such men as Sir John Cheke, Grindal, Humphrey, Foxe, 
Jewel, Parker, Ponet, Sampson and others,-" by bringing 
them in contact with the simple worship and organisation of 
the Reformed Churches at Frankfurt, Strassburg and Ziirich, 
could not but foster the tendencies to a more thorough 
purification of the Anglican worship. 

In its turn, this onward movement would naturally call 
forth a resistance, based on that attachment to ecclesiastical 
rites and customs which exercises so powerful a sway over 
the English character. In this way, tw-o opposite poles of 
thought were created in the little world of English refugees 
on the continent : the conservative or Episcopal, to be 
found at Strassburg and Ziirich ; and the radical or Puritan, 
at Geneva and Frankfurt. Those attached to the former — 
among others. Cox, Coverdale, Grindal, Parker and Ponet — 
wished to keep the services and the episcopal system as 
these had been settled under Edward VI. On the other 

^" Collie'-, lit Slip., vol. vi. 19. 


hand, the representatives of the latter school, such as the 
ardent Knox, John Foxe, Humphrey, &c., desired to adopt 
a service-book similar to that which Calvin had introduced 
at Geneva, and claimed for the Anglican Church the auto- 
nomy and liturgical simplicity which the patent of Edward 
VI. had granted from the very first to the Strangers' Church 
in London.-^ So long as the English Protestants were drawn 
together by common sufferings for the sake of the gospel, 
this divergence of opinions only gave rise to liturgical or 
personal controversies ; but in accordance with a melancholy 
law of the human heart, more quickly corrupted by prosperity 
than by misfortune, the antagonism became sharper under 
the reign of Elizabeth. The Puritans created a schism 
(1566), and declared that they would dispense with the help 
of the Government, and reform the Church according to this 
three-fold principle: i, Auctoritas Scripturarum ; 2, Sim- 
plicitas ministcrii ; 3, Puritas ecclesia7'ii)n priviarum et opti- 
marimi (1586). 

Having witnessed the rise of the Strangers' Church and of 
Puritanism from these fruitful relations between England and 
Switzerland, the question again presents itself. Was there, in 
either of these, any germ of Unitarianism ? 

Let us inquire first among the Puritans, and begin with 
Hooper, initiator and martyr of Puritanism. Hooper has 
left but few works, and the most important are on moral and 
liturgical subjects. ^"-^ But we have a large part of his cor- 
respondence with Henry BuUinger,-^ a real treasure of healthy 
piety and frank friendship. From this is to be gathered that 
Hooper was, in matter of dogma, the disciple of Zwingli and 
of BuUinger; that is to say, he adopted the Athanasian 

-^ See Herzog's Rcal-Encydopmdie, art. Furitajis, by Schoell. 

^'•^ [But see Hooper's Early IVritings (Parker Society) for A Declara- 
tion of Christ and his Opice, which is expressly Niccean in doctrine.] 

-^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 32 to 48 (Hooper to BuUinger). 


Creed pure and simple, not dreaming for a moment of veri- 
fying its authenticity, or even its conformity with the Holy 
Scriptures. Thus, in his letter to Bullinger, already quoted, 
Hooper complains that the Anabaptists give him " much 
trouble, with their opinions respecting the incarnation of the 
Lord ; for they deny altogether that Jesus Christ was born 
of the Virgin Mary according to the flesh." And further on 
he exclaims : " Alas ! not only are those heresies reviving 
among us which were formerly dead and buried, but new 
ones are springing up every day. There are such libertines 
and wretches who are daring enough in their conventicles, 
not only to deny that Christ is the Messiah and Saviour of 
the world, but also to call that blessed Seed a mischievous 
fellow and deceiver of the world." '^* 

Might there not be an allusion here, in calumnious form, 
to the first Antitrinitarians of England ? 

John Hooper was one of the first victims of the Catholic 
reaction. On ist September, 1553, he was arrested and 
consigned to the Fleet prison in Babington's charge, and 
after two years' rigorous incarceration was sent to the stake 
(1555). While in prison he wrote two books: his Hyper- 
aspismus, on the true doctrine and use of the Lord's Supper, 
which has been printed ; and De vera Ratione inveniendcE 
etfugiendcE Falsce Doctrince, breve Syntagma, which doubtless 
referred to the same subject as the above-mentioned letter. 
Unhappily, only the Epistle Dedicatory to this last work has 
been preserved."'^ 

According to the declarations of their principal teachers, 
Humphrey and Sampson, who took part in their controversies 
with the Established Church {1566 — 1586), the Puritans 
were in full accord with the Anglicans in matter of dogma. 

-* Zurich Letters, 3 sen, Letter 33. 

"® [See Hooper's Later Writings (Parker Society). In the Hyper- 
aspismus, Hooper cites and endorses the Syfnboliii?i Qiiicnmqiu'.\ 


They accepted the Thirty-nine Articles of 1563 ; BuUinger's 
Decades were authoritative for the whole clergy, while Calvin's 
Institntio was scarcely read outside the Universities. Still, 
little by little, under the influence of strife and schism, a 
dogmatic divergence ensued between the Established Church 
and the Puritan Nonconformists. While the Puritans pushed 
the Calvinistic dogma of predestination to its extreme con- 
sequences, the Anglican bishops allowed themselves to be 
won over by degrees to Arminian ideas. Now it is well 
known that the Dutch Arminians were much inclined to- 
wards Unitarian doctrines. It is therefore in the Episcopal 
Church, and nowise among the Presbyterians, that we discern 
an open door for UnitarianisuL^*^ 

But the Strangers' Church in London offered a field much 
more propitious for the introduction of Unitarian tendencies. 
Christians of every nation and every denomination met there ; 
Germans and Dutch, French and Walloons, Italians and 
Spaniards ; Georg van Parris, Adriaans van Hamstede, 
Vauville and Utenhoven, Acontius and Corranus ; and all 
were under the superintendence of a Pole, John a Lasco. 
Outwardly, it is true, the Strangers' Church conformed to the 
Calvinistic orthodoxy; John a Lasco drew up a Co7ifession 
of Faith, which was signed by all the ministers and elders, 
and of which he submitted copies for the approbation of 
Bullinger and Calvin.-' But this Confession did not prevent 
grave discussions from arising among the laymen, and even 
among the pastors, of this Church, as we shall see in Chapter 
VII. That we may judge of the notable influence exercised 
by this Strangers' Church upon the development of eccle- 

^^ Schoell, art. Puritans, tit sup. As early as 1590, W. Barrett intro- 
duced Arminianism at Cambridge, and did not shrink from opposing 
the dogmatic systems of Calvin and Beza. 

2' Calvini Opei-a, ut sup., vol. xiv. 1432 (Letter from a Lasco to 



siastical and theological ideas in England, we will cite the 
testimony of Collier, which is all the more valuable as coming 
from a hostile source. 

"This indulgence," says he, speaking of the Patent of Edward 
VI., "though going upon motives of generosity and compassion, 
proved unserviceable to the English Reformation : for this Ger- 
inan congregation was very remote, both in government and 
worship, from our ecclesiastical constitution. The allowing, 
therefore, a religious society so widely different from that of the 
country, and the exempting these foreigners from the jurisdic- 
tion of the bishops, was thought, in effect, an encouragement of 
schism, and setting up one altar against another. It must be 
said, this friendship and correspondence with the reformed of 
other nations disturbed our harmony at home, and proved an 
occasion of divisions."-^ 

To us, on the contrary, it appears that this Ecclesia Pere- 
gnnorum has been, in the body of the Church of England, as 
the leaven that leavened the whole lump. Without it, and 
the Puritan and Unitarian movements to which it gave birth, 
the Anglican Church would perhaps have long since fallen 
again under the yoke of the Church of Rome. 

^* Collier, tit sup., vol. v. 386. 


Is Unitarian Christianity of Italian or Spanish origin? — Antitrinitarian 
tendencies of the Italian Reformation. — Influence of Juan de Valdes 
and Michael Servetus. 

Up to this point of our researches into the origin of 
English Unitarianism, we have not quitted the zone of the 
Germanic races. We have interrogated, one after another, 
the heresiarchs of all the Teutonic lands, Wiclif and the 
Lollards, Erasmus and the Anabaptists ; and on putting our 
question respecting the Trinity, we have nearly everywhere 
been referred in reply to the Symbobim Quicuinque. Only 
at two or three points have we come upon traces at all 
marked of Antitrinitarian criticism ; namely, among the 
Anabaptists of Flanders and of Switzerland, and in the 
Strangers' Church in London. But among the first-named, 
taking Adam Pastoris and Hatzer as samples, the Unitarian 
idea is still enveloped in a certain pantheistic and millenarian 
mysticism, and complicated with revolutionary aspirations 
respecting the Church and society. In the Ecdesia Percgri- 
/lonim, on the contrary, it appears in the form of Scriptural 
theory, and it is represented by men who respected esta- 
blished order, such as Acontius and Hamstede, Ochino and 

Most of these men were Italians or Spaniards. Let us 
then turn towards the south of Europe, and ask Italy to 
declare her secret. 

For a long time England had carried on a literary inter- 
course with Italy. We know that Chaucer, the creator of 

F 2 


English poetic diction, is under constant obligation to Boc- 
caccio and Petrarca ; and, two centuries afterwards, it was 
still in that land of hereditary loves and hates that Shakspere 
sought the story of his most pathetic dramas. It was not 
only for literary models or souvenirs of the past that the 
English resorted to Italy ; they were drawn thither by the 
renown of her Universities, whose authority was recognised 
in the sciences of Law and Medicine. 

At the commencement of the sixteenth centur}', the 
English students were so numerous at Ferrara as to form a 
distinct "nation" in that University.^ 

A little later, Reginald Pole, the last scion of the unfor- 
tunate house of York, fleeing from the wrath of Henry VIII., 
sought refuge in Italy (July, 1531), and joined the devotional 
conferences which the dispersed members of the " Oratory 
of Divine Love" held at Venice, under the patronage of the 
Cardinals Morone and Contarini. It was with this introduc- 
tion that he made the acquaintance of several advocates of 
an evangelical reform — Luigi Priuli, Marcantonio Flaminio, 
and Aonio Paleario (Antonio della Paglia) — and that he was 
chosen in 1537 by Pope Paolo III. to take part in the Com- 
mission of Reforms.^ Unhappily, Reginald Pole soon went 
over to the side of the reaction in favour of Catholic autho- 
rity, represented by Caraffa, and employed, in opposing the 
progress of the gospel in Italy, especially among the ladies 
of the Colonna family, all the ardour which shortly before 
he had placed at the service of the reforming party. 

But, failing the ambitious Pole, the English had, about 
the same epoch, 1532 — 1540, a devoted agent in Italy who 
served as negociator between the two countries. This was 
Baldassare Altieri. Originally from Aquila, in the kingdom 

■^ M'Crie, Rcfonnation in Italy, p. 80, note. 

^ F. Meyer, Die Evangelische Gemdnde zu Locarno: Zurich, 1836, 
vol. i. 20 ff. 


of Naples, he was, during eight years, accredited as Secretary 
to the EngUsh Embassy at Venice, and by his inteUigence 
and activity was well fitted to advance the prestige of the 
King of England with the " Queen of the Adriatic." Altieri, 
converted to the gospel by the writings of the German 
Reformers, placed all his energy at the service of the evan- 
gelical cause ; he did not consider himself simply as agent 
of England, but as envoy of the King of Heaven, Jesus 
Christ. The English Embassy at Venice became at that 
time the focus of an active circulation of the literature of 
the Reformation, and an asylum for all who were exiled in 
the cause of religion.^ 

But the very excess of his zeal compromised him in the 
eyes of his superior, who was avaricious and a bigot ; and 
Altieri, to place himself in safety, was obliged to come with 
his wife and children to England (1540 — 1542), where he 
was warmly received by the members of the Privy Council, 
including Sir William Paget.* 

He afterwards returned to Italy, as agent of the Elector 
of Saxony and of the Landgrave of Hesse. In this capacity 
he rendered great services to the cause of the persecuted 
Protestants, but was at length obliged to quit Venice and 
take refuge in the neighbourhood of Brescia, where he died, 
in August, 1550. We make this digression concerning Altieri, 
partly because he was in familiar relations with Celio Secondo 
Curione and Lelio Sozini, and partly because, by his frequent 
correspondence with Luther and Bullinger, we may consider 
him the medium of relations between Italy and the northern 

If England was thus represented in Italy by men of emi- 
nence and advocates of Reformation — although diametri- 
cally opposed to each other in regard to methods —there was, 

^ M'Crie, Reformation in Italy, p. 106. 
■* F. Meyer, ut sup., app. pp. 471 ff. 


on the other hand, no lack of ItaUans in England. A num- 
ber of families had lately established themselves in London 
for purposes of commerce, which was then brisk between 
the two countries. In the first rank of these were the Brunetti 
and the Torriani, held in esteem as much for their probity 
as for their business ability.^ After the establishment of the 
Inquisition in Italy and of the Interim in Germany, a great 
stream of emigration began, which carried the Italian Pro- 
testants, by successive stages, first into Switzerland, then to 
Alsace and the Low Countries (after 1548), and at length to 
the shores of Great Britain. The young king, Edward VI., 
and his Council of Regency, accorded them a favourable 
reception, and furnished them with sufficient funds to enable 
them to proceed to the northern counties in search of em- 

Archbishop Cranmer held the learned Italians in particular 
esteem ; he gave a chair of theology in the University of 
Oxford to Peter Martyr (Pietro Martire Vermigli), and to 
Emanuele Tremellio the chair of Hebrew at Cambridge, in 
succession to Fagius ; he licensed Bernardino Ochino as 
preacher to the Italian congregation in London. We may 
further mention among the Italians of distinction who were 
included in this first emigration, Giulio Terenziano, the 
faithful companion of Peter Martyr, Lelio Sozini of Siena, 
and Pietro Bizarri of Perugia. The publications of the 
Italian Reformers were in high repute at the court of Edward 
VI., to whom many of them were dedicated. One of the 
three copies of the book, Del Beiiefizio di Gesfi Christo, which 
have survived the hecatomb of the Inquisitors, has been 
discovered at St. John's College, Cambridge, bearing this 

' Gregorio Leti, // Teatro Britannico oz'ero Histofia della Grande 
Bretagna, 5 vols. i2mo. : Amsterdam, 1684, vol. i. 316. 

^ Cahtidar of State Papej-s : Reigit of Edward VI. (1549). 


truly Pauline motto, " Live to die — Die to live again," in 
the handwriting and with the signature of the young king.^ 

The Italian emigration, interrupted under Mary Tudor, 
began once more on the accession of Elizabeth, who was 
passionately fond of the Italian language and literature, which 
she studied under one of the persecuted exiles. It is to this 
second group that Acontius, the Cardoini and the Gentili 

So much in proof of the mutual relations between English 
Protestants and those of Italy about the middle of the six- 
teenth century (1530 — 1570). We must now trace in rapid 
outline the course of the Italian Reformation, that we may 
take our bearings for the investigation of the sources of those 
Antitrinitarian opinions which, as we have seen, suddenly 
sprang up in 1550 within the Italian congregation of London. 
In Italy the Reformation developed new features ; it had no 
political character, and nowhere did it bear a stamp more 
distinctively literary, humanistic and rational. The prophetic 
accents of Savonarola, and the exegetical boldness of Lorenzo 
Valla, had re-awakened minds stupefied with the incense of 
Romish pageantry. On every hand a fresh demand arose 
for a reform of the Church in head and members ; and in 
the Council of 1511-12, convened at Pisa at the instance of 
Louis XII., and afterwards transferred to the Lateran, Pope 
Julius II. had to listen to the speeches of Egidio di Viterbo, 
General of the Eremitani of St. Augustine, and of Giovanni 
Francesco Pico della Mirandola, energetically denouncing 
abuses in the Church. Ten years afterwards, the letter 
addressed by the inhabitants of Bologna, within the Papal 
territory, to Johann Planitz, envoy in Italy from the Elector of 
Saxony to Charles V., well expresses the sentiment of those 
noble-hearted Christians who sighed for a peaceful reforma- 
tion of the Catholic Church.^ 

' The Benefit of Christ's Death, edited by Babington : Cambridge 
1855. " M'Crie, t<t sup., pp. 90 ff. 


Again, at both extremities of the ItaUan Peninsula, in the 
upper valleys of the Cottian Alps, and in the mountains of 
Calabria and Apulia, the Waldenses kept alive the sacred 
fire of the Word of God. In Piedmont, after the defeat of 
the brutal expedition of Albertus de Cataneis, they enjoyed 
some degree of toleration at the hands of the Dukes of Savoy, 
including Filiberto VI. and Emanuele Filiberto, who had 
married Catherine II. of France, sister to Henry II. and 
friend of Renee of Ferrara. They had schools and meeting- 
houses at Cavour, at Carignano, at Chieri ; and, during the 
French occupation, they opened a place of public worship 
at Turin.^ 

But it was especially in the kingdom of Naples, where, 
since the end of the fourteenth century, the emigrants from 
Pragela had founded agricultural colonies and brought under 
cultivation a kind of desert, that the Waldenses were treated 
with much respect. They possessed flourishing churches at 
Borgo d'Oltramontani, at Guardia and at Voltatura, which 
endured for about forty years (1558 — 1560) after the intro- 
duction of the Reformation into Italy. 

Hence, when the writings of Luther and Melanchthon, 
of Bucer and Zwingli, brought out in large editions by the 
printers of Basel and Strassburg, reached Italy (under pseudo- 
nyms, it is true) through the booksellers of Pavia and Venice, 
they were read with avidity, and praised even by members 
of the Sacred College.^*' Add to these causes the interchange 
of students which, so soon as the Renascence had penetrated 
to the north of Europe {from 1525), became customary 
between Oxford and Wittenberg on the one part, and Ferrara 
and Padua on the other, and the rapid and simultaneous 
outbreak of the Reformation in Italy will become intelligible. 

® Muston, Histoire des Vandois et de lews Colonies, new Edition, Paris, 
1880, vol. i. 267 — 282. 

^^ M'Crie, ut sup., pp. 6, 39. 


To shorten matters, we shall specify three principal centres, 
Naples, Tuscany and the Venetian territory. 

Naples and Sicily were at that time under Spanish rule, 
and governed by two viceroys of Charles V. Every one 
knows that this emperor was not indulgent to heretics ; and 
during a visit which he paid to Naples he published an Edict 
(Feb. 4, 1536) forbidding all intercourse with heretics, under 
pain of death and confiscation of property. But in vain did 
the puissant emperor set himself to extinguish the light of 
the gospel. God had determined otherwise, and it was pre- 
cisely through the efforts of one of his Spanish knights that 
the gospel was to make its greatest strides in the district of 

Juan de Valdes, a native of Cuenga in Castille (often 
confounded with his twin-brother Alfonso (d. 1532), who 
accompanied Charles V. on his German campaigns as 
Latin Secretary), had fled from Spain, where his dialogue, 
Mercury and Charon, had compromised him with the Holy 
Office, to Naples,^^ and to Rome, where he stayed two 
years. He was an accomplished man, of gentle birth and of 
irreproachable purity of morals, whose countenance, pale and 
delicate, and eyes beaming with enthusiasm, seemed to reflect 
the brightness of the invisible world, where in heart he lived. 
Converted to the evangelical doctrines by reading St. Paul's 
Epistles and the writings of Luther, "he thought thenceforward 
but of one thing, to win for Christ as many souls as possible.^'-^ 

" [Valdes was in Naples in 1530-31, and returning in 1533, remained 
there till his death in May, 1541. There is no proof that he was ever 
in the Emperor's service, though he was in that of Pope Clemente VII. 
His brother's will made him independent. See Boehmer's Lives of the 
Tivin-brothersjudn and Alfonso de Fa/rf/j, with Betts' IntroducHoft, 1882.] 

12 See the remarkable article of E. Boehmer on Valdes in Spanish 
Reformers of Tzuo Centwies : Lond. 1874. [The life and works of Valdes 
are now rendered available to English readers by the valuable labours 
of B. B. Wiffen, and the translations of Betts and others.] 


He never came forward as a public speaker or preacher : 
he reUed enth-ely on speech with two or three in form of 
dialogue ; and many of his works which have been preserved, 
e. g. the Alfabeto Cristiano and the Ziento i Diez Conzidcra- 
ziones, bear the character of conversations. Indeed, his house, 
picturesquely situated on the Chiaja, near Virgil's tomb, soon 
became the resort of all the best society the kingdom of 
Naples could show, in the way of men and women distin- 
guished in letters and animated with religious sentiments. 
Hither came Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara, and 
her sister-in-law, Giulia Gonzaga, Duchess of Trajetto, the 
most beautiful woman of her time ; Costanza d'Avalos, 
Duchess of Amalfi, and Isabella Manriquez, sister of a Car- 
dinal. And here they met Pietro Carnesecchi, formerly 
protonotary to Clement VII. and secretary to the Medici; 
Marcantonio Flaminio, one of the translators of the Psalms 
into Latin verse; Benedetto of Mantua; Lattanzio Ragnone, 
of Siena ; and the young Neapolitan noblemen, Francesco 
Caserta and Galeazzo Caracciolo. 

The charm of Valdes' evangelical character was also felt 
by two ecclesiastics, Giovanni MoUio, a Minorite from Mon- 
talcino, who had been removed from Bologna under sus- 
picion of heresy, and was now Reader at San Lorenzo in 
Naples ; and Pietro Martire Vermigli, ex- Abbot of Spoleto, 
and now Prior of the Augustinian convent of San Pietro ad 
Aram. Finally, to complete the catalogue, let us add the 
name of the celebrated Vicar-general of the Capuchins, Ber- 
nardino Ochino of Siena, who preached his first Lenten 
course at Naples in 1536, and of whom it was said by Charles 
v., that he "could draw tears from the very stones !"^^ So 
completely did Ochino fall under the spell of Valdes, that 

^^ [This is the expression employed by an eye-witness, Gregorio Rosso, 
and has been attributed to Charles V. by a misapprehension. Benrath's 
Ochino, 1875, p. 25.] 


he would go to him for texts and subjects for his sermons, 
and imbibed the inspiration of many of his friend's theolo- 
gical ideas. ^■^ 

Thus, at the time of his death (May, 1541), the number 
of Valdes' disciples was considerable at Naples, and from 
thence his influence was extended far and wide in the Italian 
Peninsula. Benedetto of Locarno, who preached justifica- 
tion by faith at Palermo and at Milan, and Paolo Ricci, called 
Lisia Fileno, who evangelized Modena, were looked upon 
as disciples of Valdes. 

Whilst the churches of Naples resounded with the evan- 
gelical tones of Mollio, of Ochino, and of Vermigli, in Flo- 
rence, the home of Savonarola their precursor, silence was 
enforced by the sovereign authority of Cosimo de' Medici. 
To the noble outburst of liberty which had marked the last 
years of the fifteenth century, had succeeded a reaction both 
in politics and religion. Nevertheless, a few faithful friends, 
Fra Benedetto, the historian Nardi, and Stefano Vermigli, 
father of Peter Martyr, had cherished a reverent regard for 
the spirit of their "holy prophet." And, towards 1525, we 
behold the rise of a younger generation, who devote them- 
selves to the examination of the Scriptures, and who under- 
take the translation of them into classical Italian. In 1530 
appeared the first Italian translation of the New Testament,^^ 
by Antonio Bruccioli, with a dedication to Renee of France, 
Duchess of Ferrara; and, some years later, came that of 
Massimo Theofilo (Lyons, 1556). Pietro Carnesecchi and 
Pietro Martire Vermigli were also Florentines ; but, despair- 

1* Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, 1875, trans, by Miss Zim- 
mern : London, 1876, pp. 63, 68, 156. 

I'' [That is to say, the first Protestant version. The first was that 
contained in the Italian Bible edited by Nicolo di Mallermi (or Mal- 
herbi), published at Venice, i Aug. 1471 ; and there were many editions 
of this, as well as of the Italian version of the Bible by Giovanni Rosso 
of Vercelli, first published at Venice, 1487.] 


ing of obtaining liberty in the territory which had given them 
birth, they, Uke Dante, sought in exile freedom of conscience. 

Two small Republics in the neighbourhood of Florence, 
Siena and Lucca, enjoyed liberty of thought for some time 
longer. Siena, the birthplace and home of St. Catherine, 
often listened to Ochino's pleadings for reformation, and the 
similar appeals of Aonio Paleario, both children of hers. She 
gave birth to Lattanzio Ragnone, one of the first pastors of 
the Italian Church at Geneva, and to Mino Celsi, the aposde 
of toleration. Siena, too, was the cradle of the illustrious 
family of the Sozzini.^*' 

Lucca was the State which furnished the largest contingent 
of Italian Protestant emigrants.i^ The flourishing, though 
secret, church of this city owed its existence to the combined 
exertions of Peter Martyr, who as prior of San Frediano 
(about 1540) had founded at Lucca a college or seminary for 
the study of the classical languages, and of Aonio Paleario, 
who was Professor of Latin Literature in the Academia during 
the years 1546— 1555. It was in Lucca, at San Frediano, 
that the Latinists Curione and Lacisio, the Hellenist Marti- 
nengo, and the Hebraists Emanuele Tremellio and Giulio 
Terenziano, were professors. They almost all embraced the 
principles of the evangelical Reformation, and we shall meet 
them again on foreign soil. 

It is well known that Ferrara, under the generous stimulus 
of Alfonso L, rivalled Florence in the cultivation of literature 
and philosophy (1527). The young Duke, Ercole II., hav- 
ing married Renee, daughter of Louis XIL, who had been 
brought to a knowledge of the gospel by Marguerite de 

IS Cantu, Gli Eretici d' Italia (1865— 1867); see vol. ii., Appendix, for 
a genealogy of the Sozzini [which needs some correction]. M'Crie, ut 
Slip., p. 444. 

I'' Moerikofer, Gesc/i. d. Prot. Fliicht. i. Sc/iweiz, chap. v. : Leipzig, 



Valois, and by her governess, Madame de Soubise, the court 
of Ferrara became the centre of Uterary reunions, whose 
members were not slow to discuss the " one thing needful," 
the question of salvation. Clement Marot and Lyon Jamet, 
who were secretaries to the Duchess, Calvin and Hubert 
Languet, who were her correspondents, communicated to the 
literary circle the influence of Protestant France ; while, on 
the part of Italy, Marcantonio Flaminio and Fulvio Pellegrino 
Morato, father of the incomparable Olympia Fulvia Morata, 
were the brightest gems in this crown of Ferrara. ^'^ 

But neither Naples, nor Lucca, nor even Ferrara, are to 
be compared with Venice and her territory in respect of the 
activity and continuance of the evangelical propaganda. It 
will be remembered that Altieri, the Secretary to the English 
Embassy, was the medium of relations between the Protes- 
tants of Venice and the Reformers of Germany and Switzer- 
land.^^ Baldo Lupetino, Provincial of the Franciscans in 
the Venetian territory, displayed no less zeal for the conver- 
sion of souls. He it was who gained over to the cause of 
the gospel his cousin, Mattia Flacio Illyrico (Mat. Flach 
Francowitz), the chief author of the ecclesiastical history 
known as the CentiiricE Magdebicrgicce, and of the Catalogus 
Testitim Veritatis ; but he expiated his zeal by a captivity of 
twenty years, crowned at length by martyrdom. 

The Bruccioli and the Braccietti were among the founders 
of the evangelical church at Venice ; while two brothers, 
Pierpaolo Vergerio, Bishop of Capo d'Istria, and Giambattista 
Vergerio, Bishop of Pola, carried the light of the gospel into 

^^ See the fine work of Jules Bonnet on Olympia Morata. 

^^ He wrote a letter to Luther on behalf of the Protestants of Venice 
(24 Nov. 1542), pi-aying him to influence the German princes to inter- 
vene in their favour ; and it is to him that we may reasonably attribute 
the letter to the ministers of Geneva (6 Dec. 1542), written in the name 
of all the brethren of the church of Venice, Vicenza and Treviso. — 
Calvini Opera, vol. xi. 438. 


Istria and the district of Trent. Furthermore, the numerous 
printers and merchants of Venice, among others the brothers 
Bruccioh, disseminated throughout the peninsula the Italian 
version of the New Testament and of the other books of the 
Bible, as well as the Latin writings of the Reformers. The 
Council of Ten, zealous for the independence of Venice, 
closed her gates against the Inquisitors, at the same time 
opening them to refugees in the cause of religion. Under 
favour of this toleration, secret congregations of Protestants 
were formed in Treviso and Vicenza. The University of 
Padua, in its turn, saw its students and many of its professors 
won over to the gospel ; Antonio della Paglia (Paleario) and 
Matteo Gribaldo taught there for many years. 

If now we take our stand on a height above these particular 
phenomena, to contemplate, as in a bird's-eye view, the 
general movement of the Reformation in Italy, we shall 
have no difficulty in perceiving the principal causes which 
could not but impress upon it an Antitrinitarian bias. What 
strikes us, on the first glance, is the absence of any great 
personality, like that of Luther, Zwingli or Calvin, concen- 
trating in itself the aspirations of all, and furnishing them, 
by the force of its genius, with a common expression and a 
common organization. It is not that the Italians were de- 
ficient in the raw material of genius; assuredly Pietro Martire 
Vermigli is to the full as keen a theologian as Calvin, and 
Bernardino Ochino bears the palm from Luther for power 
of oratory ; but, whether because they were too near Rome, 
or because they could count on no adequate support from 
their princes, they were unable to assume the direction of 
the movement. Besides, the repressive force exerted by the 
Holy See was so strong at the outset, even within the free 
republic of Venice, that the churches, placed under a ban 
which compelled them to assemble in secret, were from this 
circumstance unable to provide themselves with a regular 
organisation. They remained in the condition of eglises 


plantks (stick-fast churches), as Theodore Beza calls them ; 
not having minister, liturgy or discipline, still less any con- 
fession of faith, to set bounds to the rationalism of individual 
members. To these causes add, lastly, the feeling which 
leads the oppressed to take in every respect a line opposed 
to that of their persecutors, and it will be easy to understand 
how it was that Italy presented a favourable soil for the unre- 
stricted exertion of free inquiry, and for the development of 
the most anti-catholic and anti-clerical opinions.-*^ 

If circumstances fostered this tendency, no less true is it 
that the natural temperament of the Italians led them in the 
direction of critical discussion and scepticism. The revival 
of classical literature had brought back the study of the 
ancient philosophers, Plato and Aristotle, and had emanci- 
pated the human mind from the yoke of scholastic rules. 
No sooner was the penetrating and subtle intellect of the 
Italians set free, than it applied its solvent to traditions that 
seemed most soundly established. Lorenzo Valla (d. 1457), 
the true precursor of Erasmus, by application of the rules of 
historical criticism, had demonstrated the falsity of the pre- 
tended Donation of Constantine, and the legend of the origin 
of the so-called Apostles' Creed. And, later, Pietro Pom- 
ponazzi, Professor of Philosophy at Padua and at Bologna 
(1488 — 1525), did not hesitate to declare that, according to 
Aristotle's doctrine, the human soul is mortal ; that is to say, 
it participates in immortality only so far as it has a know- 
ledge of the Universal. 2^ It was Pomponazzi who, doubtless 
to shelter himself from the censures of the Church, drew that 
imaginary distinction between the domain of Faith and that 

^^ The Universities of Bologna and Padua were at that time centres 
of daring speculation and free thought. See Lecky, History of the Rise 
and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe, vol. i. 370 fif. : 
London, 1882. 

^^ See Trechsel, id sitp., vol. ii. 10 — 12. Cf. Lecky, ut sup. 


of Reason, which is convenient perhaps for weak natures, 
but fatal to reUgious sentiment and sincerity of conscience. 
But, above all, the study of Cicero's writings had dissemi- 
nated in most literary circles a sort of eclectic philosophy, 
content to acknowledge the data of the universal conscious- 
ness {consensus generis humaiii), such as the existence of a 
God, the immortality of the soul, and the duties of man, 
without probing the problems of metaphysics. 

Further, the science of Law, held in such great esteem at 
the Universities of Bologna and Padua, and conferring a 
hereditary glory upon the Alciati, the Gentili and the Sozzini, 
developed among the Italians a demand for equity, and, so 
to speak, a geometrical method of reasoning, which would 
ill adapt themselves to the dogmata of the Trinity, the two 
natures in Christ, and the vicarious atonement. 

Lastly, among the general causes of the Antitrinitarian 
movement in Italy, we have hitherto omitted to notice the 
influence which the monotheism of the Jewish doctors was sure 
to exert on the Hebraists who studied under them. The truth 
is, the Jews played a very important part in the revival of the 
study of Oriental languages in Italy. Since the end of the 
fifteenth century, the family of the Soncinati, from Soncino 
near Cremona, had established printing-presses in the prin- 
cipal cities of southern Europe- and, in 15 18, Daniel Bom- 
berg brought out at Venice a magnificent edition of the 
Hebrew Bible, with rabbinical commentaries. The first 
Hebraists of Italy, Pico della Mirandola, uncle and nephew, 
Agathias Guidaccerio (the first Professor of Hebrew at the 
College of France) and Egidio of Viterbo, had been pupils 
of Jewish doctors. And if, in the contact of the two reli- 
gions, we note some conversions from the old to the new, as 
was the case with Felice of Prato and Emanuele Tremellio, 
who were of Israelitish origin, and became professors of 
Hebrew at Rome and Oxford, — on the other hand we must 
acknowledge the marked influence of Judaism, in an Anti- 


trinitarian direction, upon the Hebraist, Francesco Stancaro, 
of Mantua. 22 

We are by this time in a position to resume our funda- 
mental question, Did there exist, in the Italy of the sixteenth 
century, any Unitarian tendencies? And if so, within what 
circles, and in the case of what individuals, were they brought 
out ? The result of our scrutiny of the general conditions 
of Italian Protestantism is, that everything bore in this direc- 
tion. But have we come across the name of any one who 
should disengage the consequent of all these aspirations, and 
discover the formula of Antitrinitarianism ? 

Yes, two men proved the awakeners of the theological 
intellect in the Italy of the sixteenth century, and these two, 
strange to say, were not Italians, but Spaniards — Miguel 
Serveto y Reves and Juan de Valde's. It was as though 
Providence had willed that the spark of truth should flash 
from the contact of the two pre-eminently Latin races. 
Gentile and Gribaldo, Acontius and the Sozzini, have the 
same title to be reckoned disciples of Servetus, that Ochino, 
Vermigli and Curione have to be deemed heirs of the spirit 
of Valdes.-^ Even as the influence of the translated Con- 
siderazioni oiNdXd.^'s, is felt in Ochino's Dialogi Seffe,-'^ so do 
we find the writings of Servetus "■^•^ current, during the period 
1533 — 1544, in the circles of Padua, Vicenza and Venice. 
Let us, then, seek to determine how far this pair of gifted 
pioneers contributed to the formation of Italian Unitarianism. 

-- M'Crie, tit sup., pp. 42 ff. Trechsel, tit sup., vol. ii. 76. 

2^ [The names of Acontius and Curione might perhaps be transposed.] 

^* [The Six Dialogues of 1539; not to be confounded with his more 
famous Dialogi XXX. of 1563.] 

*5 [The reader must carefully bear in mind that this refers to the 
earliest publications of Servetus, the De Tritiitatis Erroribus, 153^1 ^"^ 
the Dialogi de Trinitate, &c., 1 532; not to his mature work, the Chris- 
tianismi Restitutio, I553-] 



We will begin with Valdes, who is catalogued by Christoph 
Sand as second in his chronological series of Antitrinitarians. 
What gave rise to this presumption was doubtless a letter of 
Theodore de Beza (2 Sept. 1566).'^*^ In this circular to the 
Churches of East Friesland, Beza smartly scolds a minister 
of the French Church at Emden for having had the CX. 
Considerations of Valdes translated into Flemish. From this 
book, he says, Ochino had imbibed his profane speculations ; 
and he points out that the work of the Spanish knight con- 
tains several Anabaptist errors and blasphemies against the 
Holy Scriptures ; among others, the following, derived from 
Considerations 2)'^, A^ ^i^d 63. 

1. "The Holy Spirit, being the source of Scripture, is 
superior to it, and can alone give the key to its interpreta- 
tion. The Spirit has retained the power of revealing divine 
truth to the heart of man, as in the days of the Apostles ; 
and this inward and present revelation is more fresh and 
vital than the written Revelation." 

2. Moreover, on the question of free-will and grace, Valdes 
admits, with Erasmus and Melanchthon, and contrary to the 
opinion of Luther and Calvin, that the human will has re- 
tained the faculty of appropriating the divine grace [Frceee- 
dente gratia, comitante voluntate). 

It will be observed at once that Beza brings no charge 
against Valdes in the matter of the Trinity. And, moreover, 
if we turn to the actual works of the Spanish thinker at 
Naples, we shall there meet with categorical declarations 
such as the following : " Christ is no mere man, but one and 
the same thing with God. The understanding of the rela- 
tions of the Father with the Son and the Holy Spirit is 

"^^ Beza, CEuvres, vol. iii. ep. 4. See Appendix IV. [Sand gives 
as his authority for Valdes' antitrinitarianism a rare work by P^-ancis 
David, De Falsa et Vera Unius Dei Cognitione, 1567, bk. i. chap. 3.] 


above my comprehension ; may. God. be pleased some day 
to clear up this mystery to me."^'' 

Thus we see that Valdes, like the sage Melanchthon and 
the prudent Erasmus,, kept to the declarations of the Scrip- 
ture on this point. As regards the Athanasian dogma, he 
pronounced neither for nor against it,. This of itself does 
not afford sufficient grounds for classing him among the 

Still, if the gracious and mystic master kept this reserve, it 
is very probable that several of his immediate disciples went 
to greater lengths. Balbani expressly notes in Valdes' com- 
pany "a band of Anabaptists and abominable Arians, whose 
brood had swarmed in Naples and throughout the kingdom, 
and put in peril the faith of the Evangelicals. ""■^'^ Again, we 
shall find among the Antitrinitarian refugees in Switzerland 
and the Val Tellina many Neapolitans and Sicilians who had 
been within the circle of Valdes' influence, including Valen- 

^^ Boehmer's art. on Valdes in Herzog's Encydop. [Without its con- 
text, the expression above (suggested by the tv of John x. 30) is some- 
what misleading. Valdes was no Sabellian. Readers of his works will 
observe a distinction between what he says when he is dealing with 
essentials, and what he gives as his own fuller opinion. Thus, in the 
Latte Spiritiiale, written for the instruction of children, the doctrine pre- 
sented, though not technically Arian, does not get beyond what is best 
known as the Clarkean scheme, and the Trinity is expressly reserved as 
a topic for advanced Christians. The Trinity is not a topic with which 
Valdes anywhere deals. He avoids it even in commenting upon Matt. 
xxviii. 19. But he frequently expresses his belief in the consubstantiality 
of the Father and the Son, offers doxologies to Christ, and once {Opitsc. 
p. 145) gives glory and honour to him "with the Father and the Holy 
Spirit." As regards the personality of the Spirit, the Latte Spu-itiialc 
tells us that " this Holy Spirit is a divine favour, by which God viviiies 
our minds, maintaining them in spiritual life," just as the air we breathe 
vivifies the body.] 

-^ Balbani, 'Vie du Marquis Galcace Caracciolo, Geneva, 1587, i2mo. 
[Originally published in Italian, 1581 ; the English translation, 160S, by 
\V. Crashaw (who ascribes it to Beza), has been often reprinted.] 

G 2 


tino Gentile of Cosenza, Francesco of Calabria, and Camillo 
Renato of Sicily. 

While Valdes limited himself to placing the testimony of 
the Holy Spirit above Holy Scripture, and declaring the 
dogma of the Trinity to be incomprehensible, Servetus did 
not hesitate boldly to attack this dogma, in the name of the 
Bible and of Reason. Although Spanish by birth (1511),^-' 
the education of Servetus was chiefly French. It was at 
Paris that he studied medicine, and in France that he made 
his splendid discovery of the (pulmonary) circulation of the 
blood. But in his nineteenth year he had, as page of the con- 
fessor Quintana, been present at the coronation of Charles V. 
at Bologna. His two earlier works on the Trinity (1531 
1532) were no sooner printed at Hagenau in Alsace by 
Setzer, than they got into circulation throughout northern 
Italy, and recruited his cause with numerous partisans. A 
shrewd suspicion of this transpires in IMelanchthon's letter 
to the Venetians (1539), in the judicial examination of Ser- 
vetus at Geneva, and in the miserable apology for his con- 
duct which Calvin felt called upon to publish after the death 
of his victim.^*' 

What then were the ideas propounded by Servetus ? On 
the question of the Trinity, Servetus sets out with these two 
axioms: i. That the nature of God is one and indivisible; 
2. That the nature of God can only be subject to dispositiones 
(modes of relation) and not to divisions. It follows that the 

^^ [There are two possible dates for the birth of Servetus at Tudela in 
Navarre, 1509 and 151 1, each depending on his own sworn testimony; 
but the evidence for 151 1 is cumulative and irresistible. His education 
was Spanish and French (at Saragossa, Toulouse, Lyons, Paris and 
Montpellier) ; none of it was Italian, excepting the education of travel, 
in his pre-scientific period, to which also belong his brief residences at 
Basel and Strassburg.] 

3" Henri Tollin, Das Charaderbild M. Servet's (1876). See Appendix 
to the French translation by C. Dardier (1879), pp. 64, 65. 


Persons of the Trinity are, in his view, only metamorphoses 
of one and the same God. The Son is no other than the 
Word of God, manifested in time, and not from all eternity. 
The Holy Spirit is again God, communicating himself to 
men by the ministry of angels. 

With regard to Jesus of Nazareth, Servetus starts from the 
point of view adopted by the English Unitarians, that his 
humanity was in the strict sense real and historical ; and he 
proves from the express words of Scripture, that the man 
Jesus was at one and the same time the Christ or Messiah, 
anointed with the Holy Spirit ; the Son of God, begotten in 
time ; and God, by the fulness of the divine life which was 
in him. 

Thus, from the point of view of Servetus, it was not God 
who had, so to speak, split and abased Himself in a hypos- 
tasis, of human form, called Jesus, which would be incom- 
patible with the unity of the Divine nature ; but it was the 
man Jesus who had been exalted and associated, on the 
ground of his merits, with the Majesty Divine. In two 
'vords, Christ is man by nature, God by the grace of the 
Father. The whole of the Socinian Christology exists in 
germ in this formula of Servetus.^^ 

These ideas, spread abroad by his books and by an active 
correspondence, were rapidly disseminated at Mantua, Padua, 
Vicenza, Venice, in the valleys of the Grisons, the Val Tel- 
lina, the Val Bregaglia or Bergell, and the Val di Poschiavo, 
where numbers of exiled Italians had taken refuge. They 

^1 Baur, Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit, vol. iii. 54 — 62 ff. [This account 
of the Christology of Servetus must be received with some caution. It 
is based, not on his riper teaching in the Christ. Rest. (1553), but solely 
on the first (1531) stage of his opinions. And into this it imports 
inferences which, so soon as they were drawn by his critics, Servetus 
expressly rejected. F. P. Sozzini himself, who knew the early writings 
of Servetus well, distinctly says : " Negamus Servetum fuisse progeni- 
torem nostrum" [0pp. ii. 535), and gives good grounds for his denial.] 


certainly were the subject of frequent discussions in those 
secret conferences at Vicenza, which brought together in 
1545 — 1555 the ehte of Venetian Protestantism, and were 
the cradle of modern Unitarianism.^"-^ So, on learning that 
the author of the Dialogues on the Trinity (1532) and the 
CJiristianismi Restitutio (1553) had, in 1553, been delivered 
to the flames and burned at the stake by his pitiless adver- 
sary, nothing was heard throughout the camp of the Italian 
Unitarians but a cry of indignation against Calvin. Gribaldo, 
who had been unable to obtain audience of the " Pope of 
Geneva," wrote a letter on the heroic martyr to the brethren 
at Vicenza. Lelio Sozini did not conceal his grief; and 
Camillo Renato addressed Calvin, in his beautiful Latin 
poem, on the unjust burning of Servetus.^^ When their 
turn came, the disciples of Servetus, tracked by the spies of 
the Inquisition, had to leave Italy and take refuge in Swit- 
zerland (some time after 1547-48). But this very exile was 
favourable to the development of Unitarian Christianity. Till 
then, never knowing when the stroke of persecution might 
fall, the Italian Unitarians had been content with vague 
aspirations and with negations of established dogma. Hence- 
forth, in the freer air of the Alps, they will give precision to 
their arguments and formulate their systems. We emerge 
from the period of sterile agitations, to enter upon that of 
rational conceptions. 

^- Trechsel, vol. ii. app. i. [But in this Appendix, Trechsel, so far 
from supporting, conclusively disproves tlie whole myth of these Vicenza 

^^ Trechsel, vol. i. app. iv. 


The Italian Reformed Churches in Switzerland. — Antitrinitarian 
Controversies. — Relations with England. 

I. The Reformation in the Italian Bailiwicks. 

On the way from Italy into Switzerland, high up the 
mountain beds of the Adda and the Ticino, beyond those 
azure mirrors known as the Lago di Como and Lago Mag- 
giore, on the southern slope of the Rhaetian Alps, we come 
across the valleys known as the Val Tellina, Val Bregaglia, 
Val di Lugano and Val Maggia. This region, exposed to 
the rays of the southern sun, and sheltered from the winds 
of the north by a screen of mountain peaks, suggests, by the 
mildness of its climate and the richness of its productions, 
a dream of the garden of Eden. In the hollow of the 
valley are yet, as formerly, to be seen numerous flocks feed- 
ing in the verdant meadows. Half way up the mountain 
sides, roads bordered by pomegranate and fig trees, inter- 
laced with vine branches, lead to the fertile fields which often 
yield in one season two crops of barley, wheat or maize. 
Higher still, laurels, Cyprus and chesnuts crown the amphi- 
theatre with their different shades of verdure. In the six- 
teenth century, this favoured region was inhabited by a 
commercial and industrious population, of Latin race and 
language, subject to the Bishopric of Como and the Duchy 
of Milan. Here were a great number of Franciscan and 
Dominican convents. Notwithstanding, from the remote- 
ness of the situation, a great number of heretics were also to 
be found here, from the eighth to the eleventh century, 


including the Waldenses, or " Poor men of Lyons," as they 
were then often called. 

At the opening of the sixteenth century, this privileged 
district, which possessed, moreover, a high strategic import- 
ance as the key to communications between Germany and 
Italy, fell into the hands of the Swiss, as if Providence had 
resolved to prepare a refuge in time to come for exiles in 
the cause of the gospel, fleeing from the bloodhounds of the 
Roman Inquisition. The Grey League (Grisons), allied with 
Massimiliano Sforza against France, took from the latter the 
counties of Bormio, Chiavenna and Val Tellina (vale of the 
Upper Adda) ; while the twelve Swiss cantons received from 
Sforza, as remuneration for the keys of his capital which 
they had retaken (Oct. 15 12), the lordships of Lugano, 
Locarno and Domo d'Ossola (vale of the Upper Ticino). 
This last, it is true, was lost by the Swiss after the battle of 
Marignano. Thus these Italian bailiwicks fell under two 
different governments. The bailiwicks of the Upper Adda 
were dependent on the three Grey Leagues, and were admi- 
nistered by Syndics or Podestas appointed by the general 
Diet, which sat every two years, alternately at Curia (Chur 
or Coire, chief town of the Lia da Ca £)e. House of God 
League), at Davos (Tavau, chief town of the Lia Grischa or 
Alta^ Grey or Upper League), and at Glion (Ilanz, chief 
town of the Lia dellas Dcsch Drcttiiras, Ten Jurisdictions' 
League). On the other hand, the bailiwicks of the Upper 
Ticino were governed by bailiffs or commissioners sent every 
second year by the twelve cantons of Switzerland in turn.^ 

It had been expressly stipulated at the time of the transfer, 
that the bailiwicks should retain their separate laws and 
usages, and remain under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of 
the Bishop of Como. These conditions were religiously 

^ Rosio de Porta, Hisioria Ecclcsiarnm Refonuataruin Rhccticariun : 
Chur, 1770 — 1774. 


observed by the bailiffs, whether Swiss or Grison, who con- 
tented themselves with levying an annual tribute on the 
revenues of these rich valleys. But it was impossible to 
prevent the Reformation ideas, when they had broken out 
in Switzerland, from penetrating into these Italian bailiwicks 
by the assistance of a more liberal legislation on the subject 
of religion. 

It was at the Diet of Ilanz (1526) and that of Davos (1544) 
that the statutes were passed which determined the Grison 
legislation on the subject of worship, and favoured the deve- 
lopment of the Reformation in the Italian bailiwicks, while 
at the same time guarding its development from the divarica- 
tions inseparable from every political or religious crisis. At 
Ilanz, it was enacted that every individual of either sex and 
every condition, in the territory of the Confederation of the 
Three Leagues, should be permitted to choose and profess 
either the Catholic or the Evangelical creed, and that no 
one should be allowed, under severe penalties, to reproach 
another on account of his religion, whether in private or in 
public. Furthermore, an old law was revived and enforced, 
according to which ministers were forbidden to teach any- 
thing except what was contained in the Old and New Tes- 
taments, or could be proved thence ; and the parish priests 
were enjoined to devote themselves assiduously to the study 
of the Holy Scriptures, the only rule of faith and morals."" 

Later on, at Davos, it was decreed that the Protestants of 
the Italian bailiwicks should have the right of maintaining 
pastors for themselves and their families at their own charge ; 
and free right of asylum was accorded to exiles in the cause 
of religion, on condition that they paid caution money, and 
conformed to the faith of the national Church. 

These arrangements, liberally conceived for the sixteenth 
century, were highly honourable to the deputies of the Grison 

- M'Crie, ut sup., pp. 357, 368. 


Republic, and powerfully assisted in the dissemination of the 
gospel, effected by the exertions of Biveroni (Tutschet) and 
Comander (Dorfmann), Fabriz and Saluz, the Reformers of 
the Grisons. 

On the other hand, in the Ticinese bailiwicks, depending 
on the Twelve Cantons (seven Catholic and five Protestant), 
the administration of the law of public worship was more 
arbitrary and variable, in consequence of the biennial charge 
of bailiffs, delegated now by a Catholic, now by a Protestant 
canton. Nevertheless, the influence of magistrates so devoted 
to the gospel as Jakob Werdmliller of Ziirich (1530 — 1532), 
and Joachim Baeldi of Glarus(i542), the distributor of Bibles, 
could not be effaced by all the Inquisitors in the world. 

The great obstacle, however, to the Evangelical propaganda 
in these districts was the difference of language. The people 
spoke an Italian dialect, of which the Swiss commissioners 
and preachers knew not a word. In the Grisons the difticulty 
was still greater, for here four different tongues were spoken, 
German, Italian, Latin and Romani. A further difficulty 
was the lack of candidates for the ministry. Hence the 
arrival of the Protestant refugees from Italy was hailed with 
an enthusiasm such as would have greeted a reinforcement 
of picked troops at the critical moment of a battle. With 
good reason were these refugees from the Roman Inquisition 
received with open arms. For it was theirs to be the true 
missionaries of Protestantism in Latin Switzerland ; yea 
more, in their religious consciousness they bore with them 
two prophetic principles — the one, the Personal Unity of 
God ; the other, salvation, not by faith in book or rite, but 
by the spirit of Christ that maketh alive. 

The road which the greater part of these exiles followed 
passed through Chiavenna, a small town situated at the 
entrance of the Val Bregaglia (formerly Prsegallia) ; thence 
they reached the Engadine, arriving at Chur by the Julier- 
Alp, and at Zurich by the valleys of the Rhine and the Seez. 


Between 1542 and 1550, these wild gorges -saw more than 
two hundred refugees passing on their way. By 1559, their 
number had risen to eight hundred, and it continued to 
increase up to the closing years of the sixteenth century. 

The first Italian evangelist of the Val Bregaglia was a 
certain Bartolommeo Maturo, formerly prior <of a convent ot 
Dominicans at Cremona, who had been led to the gospel by 
witnessing the secret vices of the cloister, and the sham 
miracles performed by his fellow-monks. He was preacher 
during eighteen years (1530 — 1547) at Vicosoprano, where 
he was succeeded by the restless Pierpaolo Vergerio. This 
man, who had been Bishop of Capo d'Istria and Papal 
legate in Germany, could never tie himself to any settled 
abode. We find him by turns at Chiavenna, at Ziirich, at 
Basel, and at length at Tiibingen, preaching in season and 
out of season, crying up one set -of i^eople, blackening ano- 
ther, and holding but one fixed idea, namely, to make war 
on Antichrist, that is to say the Pope, with volleys of pam- 
phlets, which he got printed at Basel or at Poschiavo, and 
spread throughout the Milanese territory by means of his 
friends at Locarno and Chiavenna.^ 

The Val di Poschiavo, which 'unites the Val Tellina to 
the Engadine by the Bernina Pass, had as its missionary, 
between 1540 and 1570, Giulio di Milano, a doctor of theo- 
logy and distinguished preacher, converted by Valdes. He 
had been thrown into the dungeons of the Inquisition at 
Venice. It was on his behalf that Bernardino Ochino up- 
lifted his voice, in a Predica delivered in that city in 1542.* 

He had been so fortunate as to make his escape, and 
devoted all his talents and the remainder of his life to the 

^ Meyer, tit sup., vol. i. 51, 61. 

■* He must be carefully distinguished from Giulio Terenziano, who was 
from Florence, and the faithful companion of Pietro Martire Vermigli at 
Strassburg, London and Ziirich. 


evangelisation of Poschiavo and the adjacent towns, Tirano 
and Teglio, in the Val TelUna. Through his aid, Rodolfo 
Landolfi established a printing-press at Poschiavo, which 
rendered great services to the cause of the evangelisation of 
the Grisons, and to that of the antipapal polemic in Italy. 
From this press came the first Protestant works issued in 
the Romani language, namely, Biveroni's translations of 
Comander s German Catechism and of the New Testament, 
with the Psalms in verse. So much dreaded was this print- 
ing establishment by the Roman Catholics, that, during the 
negociations entered into by Spain and the Holy See with 
the Grey Leagues on the subject of the passage of the allied 
forces through the Val Tellina (1561), the envoys of the 
Pope demanded its suppression.^ 

Chiavenna, as we have seen, was the head-quarters of the 
Italian refugees. Situated a little to the north-east of the 
Lago di Como, on the Mera, a tributary of the Adda, and at 
the entrance of the Val Bregaglia, this town was the nearest 
haven of refuge out of Italy, and offered a safe shelter to 
those shipwrecked in the great storm of persecution. From 
about 1539, we find there Agostino Mainardo, an ex-Augus- 
tinian of Saluzzo and Doctor of Theology, whose preaching 
had made him suspected of a Lutheran tendency. He had 
been heartily welcomed by the Pestalozzi and de Salis fami- 
lies, who were already in sympathy with the Reformation. 
Around him soon gathered about a hundred Protestants, 
among whom were such men as Camillo Renato, Lodovico 
Castelvetro, the brothers Lelio and Camillo Sozini, Francesco 
Negri and Lodovico Fieri. In 1544, thanks to the Statute 
of Davos, the little community was enabled to establish 
itself in the chapel of Santa Maria del Paterino, granted by 
the proprietor of the soil, Ercole de Salis. The church con- 
tinued to grow, in spite of a good many quarrels, partly due 

5 M'Crie, p. 382. 


to Mainardo's negligence, and his susceptibility of temper. 
He remained its pastor until his death in 1563, and was 
succeeded by Girolamo Zanchi, the Hebraist. 

While thus at Chiavenna the Reformed Church enjoyed 
the protection of the Grison laws, that of Locarno was ex- 
posed to all the mischief-making of the bailiffs delegated by 
Catholic cantons. A certain Giovanni Beccaria, no more 
than a schoolmaster of the Franciscans at Locarno, became 
the modest and indefatigable instrument of the Evangelical 
movement in that town. Converted by reading the Bible 
and the writings of Zwingli and Bullinger, he entered, about 
1544, into correspondence with Conrad Pellican, who had 
also belonged to the Order of St. Francis. He had procured, 
too, the delivery of some evangelical sermons, the preacher 
being a compatriot and brother monk, Benedetto, rector ox 
the Franciscans at Bologna. Through the affection he in- 
spired in his pupils, quite as much as by his private converse, 
he had won many souls for Christ. Among his more dis- 
tinguished pupils were Lodovico Ronco, student of law, 
and his friend Taddeo Duno, student of medicine ; and 
among the friends of the gospel were representatives ot 
some of the best families, e.g. Giovanni and Martino Muralto, 
the one practising as a physician in the town, the other, a 
Doctor of Laws and advocate ; with the high-born Milanese 
gentlemen, Varnerio Castiglione and Antonio Maria Besozzo, 
formerly tutor to the son of Count Filiberto di Masserano.'^' 

These evangelical communities, directed in the period 
1544 — 1562 by Italian preachers, most of whom had formerly 
belonged to religious orders, but who had received no regular 
instruction or ordination for their new work, enjoyed a high 
degree of independence. In principle they had adopted the 
Presbyterian organisation which prevailed in the other parts 
of Switzerland. As a final court of appeal they acknowledged 

^ Meyer, ut sup., p. 388, 


the authority of the General Synod of the Grisons, which 
met at Chur in the month of June each year, from 1537, 
and which had promulgated in 1551 the Rhstic Confession 
of Faith. 7 In- point of fact, however, the representative 
church sessions, set over each separate church, were auto- 
nomous ; they alone had the right of nominating and dis- 
missing pastors.'^ It is easy to see how favourable was this 
soil for the development of the Antitrinitarian opposition, 
which dates from the same period, 1544 — 1562.^ 

It was in the Lower Engadine and the Val di Poschiavo 
that the first symptoms of it made their appearance. Fran- 
cesco of Calabria, pastor at Fettan, and Girolamo Marliano 
of Milan, pastor of Lavin, who claimed to be disciples of 
Ochino, and who, without doubt, had like him belonged to 
the Capuchin Order, pushed the doctrine of predestination 
to the point of making God the author of evil, and reached 
the verge of moral indifferentism. Having to defend himself 
in 1544, in a public discussion at Siis, against Philipp Saluz, 
professor at the seminary of Chur, Francesco fell into the 
other extreme'. He made the grace of God the real and 
supreme cause of redemption, reducing the work of Christ 
to a merely instrumental position, as the secondary cause. 
In this there was still only a subordinationist tendency. 

But with another preacher, Tiziano, this tendency reached 
the verge of the denial of the Trinity and of the divinity of 
Jesus Christ. According to Tiziano, the Holy Spirit is the 
prime mover in the work of redemption. Jesus was born of 

'' Trechsel, ut sup.^ vol. ii. 121. Cf. De Porta, i. 2, p. 197. 
8 [The rights of patrons were vested in the church sessions.] 
^ Nine of these Grisons churches still exist, Brusio, Poschiavo, 
Casaccia, Vicosoprano, Stampa, Soglio, Bondo, Castasegna, Bivio. In 
1880 they reckoned 2384 members. They have discarded the Helvetic 
Confession, and most of their pastors are liberal. See Free Ch. Monthly, 
Dec. 1883. 


a human father and mother, and became the Saviour of men 
only because he was filled with the Spirit of God.^** 

Tiziano, who was but an itinerant preacher, and who had 

gained several adherents in the Val Tellina and Val di Pos- 

chiavo, was cited before the Grison Synod, convicted of having 

revived the heresies of the Ebionites and of Helvidius/^ 

and obliged, under pain of death, to make a humiliating 

recantation (June, 1554). Thereafter he was beaten with 

rods at the several cross-ways in Chur, and banished for 

ever from the territory of the Three Leagues. This sentence, 

which to us appears harsh, was very mild in the eyes of the 

orthodox of that day, with whom the penalty of death against 

heretics was almost an article of faith ; and the good Philipp 

Saluz thought himself bound to apologise, in a letter to 

BuUinger, for not having burned this emulator of Servetus.^'^ 

It was also in the name of the Holy Spirit that Camillo, 

who styled himself Renato, protested against the attribution 

oi a supernatural character to the Sacraments, and against 

the dogma of vicarious satisfaction through the merits of 

Jesus Christ. Camillo, by birth a Sicilian, after having 

suffered much in Italy in the cause of the gospel, 1542, had 

taken refuge with his friends Curione and Stancaro in the 

Val Tellina, where he filled the office of tutor successively at 

Tirano and at Caspan ; where, through his knowledge of 

Latin literature, as well as his pious and retiring character, 

he stood high in the good graces of the powerful family of 

the Pallavicini. Cautious in temperament, he first touched 

the discussion in a correspondence with Bullinger on the 

1" De Porta, i. 2, pp. 70, 78. 

^^ [A layman at Rome at the end of the fourth century, who taught 
that the brethren of Jesus were later-bom sons of Mary, and thus denied 
her perpetual virginity.] 

^^ Trechsel, ut sup., vol. ii. 03, 84. 


meaning of the two Sacraments. In his eyes they had no 
value except as a testimony of our faith and of Christian 
love. Hence he denied the value of Catholic baptism ; 
questioned whether there was any use in employing in 
baptism the triple formula; and expressed a wish for the 
revival of communions in the form of agap^e (love-feasts). 

But, once settled at Chiavenna (from 1545) in a circle 
where he was surrounded with more ardent sympathisers, 
he openly attacked the doctrine of redemption. With him, 
as with Tiziano, Christ possessed no expiatory or sacrificial 
merit. He suffered to expiate the original sin in himself, 
which made him fallible ; and the service which he did for 
us was to reveal to us the way of salvation. But the true 
Redeemer is the Holy Spirit of God, working in man and 
transforming him into a new creature. Before this new birth, 
man is but a miserable being, destitute of reason and even 
of immortality ; only after it is he reconciled with God and 
destined to eternal life.^^ These theories, which tended by 
implication to the denial of the second person of the Trinity, 
and to the Socinian conception of redemption, found a 
violent adversary in Mainardo, one of the two pastors of 
Chiavenna, who drew up a special Confession of Faith, 
which he required every member of his flock to sign, with a 
view to exclude Renato and his adherents. After lengthy 
controversies, which were carried before the Synod of Chur, 
and in which Vergerio did not fail to put in his restless 
finger, Camillo Renato was excommunicated, and withdrew 
to Traona, in the Val Tellina. But, keeping up relations 
with Curione, Francesco Negri and Stancaro, he continued 
to exercise a marked influence over the younger theologians, 
including Lelio Sozini,.his friend, and Gianandrea Pallavicini, 
his pupil (Sept. 1554). From Traona it was that he 
launched against Calvin that imprecation in Latin verse 

^^ Trechsel, tct sup., vol. ii. 85 ff. 


on the subject of the execution of Servetus, which is one of 
the most eloquent of pleas for religious toleration.^^ 

Traces of Camillo Renato's ideas may clearly be discerned 
in the last Antitrinitarian controversy which we shall mention 
in connection with the Italian bailiwicks. It was started 
about 1558 by two ministers of Chiavenna, Pietro Leone 
and Lodovico Fieri, in conjunction with Girolamo Turriano, 
pastor at Plurs, and Michel-Angelo Florio, aforetime pastor 
in London, then at Soglio. These theologians followed 
Renato in denying the doctrine of vicarious satisfaction 
through the merits of Jesus Christ ; this they did in the 
name of the Scripture, which says not a word of the doctrine; 
and they assigned the leading part in redemption to the 
grace of God, who has declared and accepted the sacrifice 
of Jesus Christ as a sufficient expiation for our sins. What 
contributed yet more to recommend their theory was, that 
they professed to know, through the brothers of Lelio Sozini, 
members of the church at Chiavenna, that Ochino shared 
this way of looking at the matter ; and it is a fact that the 
celebrated Capuchin adopted the acceptationist point of 
view. Cited by the irritable Mainardo before the Synod at 
Chur, these ministers endeavoured to obtain support of the 
Ziirich theologians. To this end they addressed to them 
(24 May, 1561) a series of twenty-six questions, propounded 
with great elevation of sentiment, and rather with the object 
of protesting against constraint in matters of faith, than of 
setting out a statement of their own peculiar views. The 
real tendency of these may be judged by the following 
specimens : 

" Art. 4. — Whether it will not avail more for the attainment 
of eternal salvation, to adore in silence the most holy mystery of 
the Trinity, than rashly to speak of it otherwise than the holy 
writings teach, and according to the various opinions of men ? 

^■* Trechsel, nt sup., vol. i. app. iv. 


" Art. 5. — Whether, for the attainment of eternal Hfe, a clearer 
or sharper understanding of the most holy Trinity is necessary 
for us, than that which is transmitted to us by the Holy Spirit 
in the divine writings ? 

"Art. 6. — Whether the ministers and teachers of the churches 
of God may compel the simple and unskilful, under pain of 
deprivation of the Lord's Supper, to employ, when they discuss 
the most holy Trinity, other words and terms (by them ill under- 
stood) than those which, in the sacred writings, the Holy Spirit 
uses ? 

" Art. 20. — Whether any one should be excommunicated, as 
an obstinate and convicted heretic, for simple error in the article 
of the Trinity (whose most sacred mysteryis hardly comprehended 
by the angels), however much, in all other respects, he be of 
blameless doctrine and life, yea adorned with most laudable 
morals, and the greatest charity towards the poor?"^^ 

It is obvious that the drift of these interrogations was, 
without calling in question the dogma of the Trinity, to pass 
over the topic in silence, as being external to Scripture, and 
as doing more harm than good to the salvation of souls. 

But the confession of Lodovico Fieri, at the Synod of 
Chur, was quite another thing in the way of explicitness. 
He asked for a discussion on Article 20, above; and declared 
that, for his part, he differed from the church of Chiavenna 
on the three following points. He did not believe (i) that 
Jesus was the Eternal Son of the Father; (2) that he was 
equal with God; (3) that he was the creator of the world. 
These declarations were undisguisedly Antitrinitarian ; hence 
the members of the Synod at Chur, less tolerant than the 
theologians of Ziirich, confirmed the excommunication of 
Lodovico Fieri and Pietro Leone.^^ 

But the progress of true ideas is not to be arrested by 
excommunication, any more than by martyrdom ; and these 

'^ Quastiones Miiiistrorum Ecclesiaru77i qucz sunt apud Rhatos. 
Trechsel, vol. ii. app. v. See Appendix V. 

16 Trechsel, vol. ii. 131. 


doctrines, banished from the Val Tellina, were destined to 
make their way in England. 

2. The Italian Church at Geneva. 

Picturesque and smiling as were these valleys of Bregaglia, 
Tellina, and the Engadine, they did not offer sufficient 
intellectual, much less sufficient theological food, to satisfy 
that ardent hunger and thirst for religious truth which 
animated the Italian Protestants. So, while a majority of 
the refugees remained in these localities, the flower of them 
only passed through, and proceeded to settle, as far as this 
was possible to a race so mercurial and enterprising, in 
the great evangelical centres of Switzerland and Alsace, at 
Geneva and Zurich, Basel and Strassburg.^' 

It was at Geneva (1542) that the first Italian church was 
gathered together. A certain number of Italians, such as 
the Lifforti and Delia Riva families, had been domiciled 
there for some time back, brought thither by intercourse with 
Savoy and the business of commerce.^*^ But the first arrestb 
of the Roman Inquisition cast as it \vere a flood of emigrants 
on Geneva, bringing introductions to Calvin from the duchess 
of Ferrara, or from Aonio Paleario.^'' To the city which 
had banished him three years previously, Calvin had in fact 
gone back as its master ; and his Ecclesiastical Ordinances, 
accepted by the vote of 2nd January, 1542, and enforced 
with a will of iron, made Geneva a kind of holy city, a new 
Zion, where the sound of games and feasts had given place 
to sermons, catechising, and singing of psalms. 

Geneva beheld the flower of Protestantism thronging 

17 Calvini Opo-a, vol. ix. 441 (Letter from Bullinger to Vadian, 19 
December, 1542). 

18 Galiffe, Le Refuge Italien de Geneve: Geneva, 1881, p. 56. 

19 J. G. Schelhorn, Amauitates Historia Ecclesiasticcc et Littcraj'iu: : 
Frankfort, 1737 — 1740, vol. i. 462. 

H 2 


within her walls, from Piedmont, Tuscany and the Venetian 
territory. Among them were Alciati, Castelvetro, the Balbani 
and Burlamacchi from Lucca, Caracciolo and Martinengo 
(Oct. 1542). At their head, towering above them with his 
crown of whitened hair, and with the splendour of his 
oratorical renown, appeared Bernardino Ochino of Siena. 
The eloquent general of the Capuchins, converted by the 
gentle and penetrating power of Valdes, had continued to 
preach salvation through Christ, under the veil of mysticism. 
But his generous protest, at Venice, against the incarceration 
of Giulio di Milano, had betrayed him. Summoned before 
the fiery tribunal, he had fled ; at the age of fifty-five sacri- 
ficing everything, glory and fatherland, to the dictates of his 
conscience. Calvin received him with the respect due to 
his age and character, and supported his application to the 
council for the grant of a place of worship for his fellow- 
countrymen. The Genevese magistrates granted them, 23rd 
Oct. 1542, the use of Cardinal Ostia's chapel, called the 
Chapel of the Maccabees, adjoining the cathedral of St. 
Peter. 20 From November 1542 to 1545, Ochino had the 
joy of preaching the gospel with perfect frankness in his 
mother tongue. To this period belong the later volumes 
of his Prediche, printed in Italian and Latin at Geneva in 
1542 — 1544, and continued at Basle, 1544 — 1549- He men- 
tions also and commends, in one of his letters, an explanation 
of the Catechism which was given every Sunday ; and the 
congregational service, a sort of conference, in which each 
member had the right of bringing forward what the Holy 
Spirit suggested to him, after the example of the Apostolic 

Although there were two other preachers among the Italian 

20 Registers of the Council, 23 Oct. 1542. 

^- Prediche di Bernardino Ochino da Siena: Geneva, 1542, Sermon i. 
§ 10. 


refugees at Geneva, one of whom was named Girolamo di 
Melfi, it appears that, after the departure of Ochino for 
Basel and Strassburg, pubUc worship in ItaUan suffered a 
temporary interruption. But in 1552, on the arrival of 
Galeazzo Caracciolo, Marquis deVico, and under his auspices, 
it was resumed, and placed under the direction of Lattanzio 
Ragnone, former master in the college of San Frediano at 
Lucca, and friend of Vermigli ; with him, soon afterwards, 
was joined Count Celso Massimiliano Martinengo of Brescia, 


At first the Italians held their revived services in the hall 
of the old College de Rive, and afterwards at the Madeleine. 
In 1555 the council granted the Italians the use of the 
Madeleine Chapel and that of the Auditoire alternately; and 
in the following year, the Italian Church was organised on 
the Geneva model. It had a church session [coUcgio), com- 
posed of the two pastors, four elders [seniori), and four 
deacons (diaconi). The Marquis de Vico was chosen one of 
the elders, and during thirty years filled this office, with a 
devotedness and fidelity the more remarkable from his being 
exposed to many temptations and importunities on the part 
of his father, wife and children, who remained at Naples in 
the bosom of the Church.-^ There was also a catechist and 
a precentor.-^ 

This community afforded a rallying-point also for the 
Spanish refugees, among whom were Juan Perez de Pineda, 
Cassiodoro de Reyna, and Juan Diaz, assassinated in 1546; 
they were too few in number to form a separate church."* 
It was during the ministry of Martinengo and Ragnone that 
the Antitrinitarian controversy broke out in Geneva. It is 

^2 Bulletin du Protestantisme Frangais, 2 sen, vol. iv., art. by Jules 
Bonnet on the Marquis de Vico. Cf. Vincentio Burlamacchi, Memorie 
diverse delle Chiese Italiane (1650), MS. in the Archives of Geneva. 

-^ Galiffe, ict sup., pp. 37—39. =4 j/^ij^ p_ ^]-_ 


well known that, years before this, the first books of Servetus 
on the Trinity had penetrated into Switzerland and Italy, 
and had been much read (1539); but when the Spaniard 
despatched to Calvin the manuscript (1546) of his forth- 
coming Christianisnn Restitutio, he unconsciously kindled a 
conflagration which was not to be extinguished. 

In this his last work (printed 1553) the physician of 
Vienne sought to reconcile the elements of truth in the 
Catholic tradition with the evangelical dogmata. He com- 
pleted his theory of the Logos, only roughly drafted in his 
first two Vv'orks, and propounded his special views on adult 
baptism and the millennial reign. The Logos, in his eyes, 
is the ideal Divine Reason, which, after having created the 
world, and clothed itself in different forms or masks {persofics), 
found at length its perfect incarnation in Jesus of Nazareth 
alone. The Word and the Spirit are two modes of varied 
revelation of one and the same divine substance. Thus 
Servetus, not daring boldly to substitute the perfect humanity 
of Christ for his divinity, fell into Sabellianism.-'^ 

But, in place of meeting it with a courteous return, Calvin 
kept the manuscript and sent a harsh rebuke to its author. 
Nay, so soon as it was printed, he authorised a French 
gentleman, Guillaume de Trye, to communicate extracts 
from it to the Inquisitor at Lyons, who had the author 
arrested as a suspected heretic. All the world knows what 
followed ; how Servetus only escaped from the prison of the 
episcopal palace at Vienne, to fall a victim at the pyre of 
Champel. He expired in the midst of the flames, invoking 
the mercy of "Jesus, Son of the Eternal God." 

This tragic and undeserved end excited a lively indigna- 
tion in the bosom of the Italian Church at Geneva, among 

^^ Baur, Die Christliche Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit. Cf. A. Gordon, 
Miguel Serveto-y-Revh, in Theological Revieiv, April and July, 1878. 
[According to Servetus, the perfect humanity of Christ is his divinity.] 


all the refugees in Switzerland. While David Joris despatched 
from Basel his appeal to the Swiss towns in favour of 
tolerance, and Camillo Renato directed his apostrophe to 
Calvin, Matteo Gribaldo, Bernardino Ochino, and Lelio 
Sozini did not conceal their grief -'^ 

Matteo Gribaldo, professor of law at the University of 
Padua, and lord of Farges in the district of Gex, not having 
been able to obtain audience of Calvin, resolved, shortly 
after the execution of Servetus, to make reprisal. The 
congregational usage of the discussion society, which the 
Italian Church had borrowed from the Reformed Church at 
Geneva, afforded him an excellent opportunity for pro 
pounding his ideas on the Trinity. Maintaining respect for 
the objective notion of the Trinity, he conceived of the 
three Persons in the following way. The Father, the Son 
and the Holy Spirit were, in his eyes, three distinct divine 
hypostases (constituent personalities) ; while with Servetus 
they were but modes of manifestation of one and the same 
Person.-' There was, however, in Gribaldo's view, no other 
relationship between the Persons but that of species ; the 
Son and the Holy Spirit were two varieties of the species 
God, subordinated to the Father. Gribaldo struck against 
the rock directly opposed to the position of Servetus; he fell 
into tritheism ; and even thereby he prepared the way for a 
Unitarian Christology.^^ 

In fact, after the exile of Gribaldo, who was pursued by 
the theological hatred of Calvin as far as Tubingen, where 
he had been appointed professor, Gianpaolo Alciati, a Pied- 
montese officer, and Giorgio Biandrata, a physician from 

^^ Benrath, ut sup., p. 217. 

-" [Say, rather, Being ; Servetus never applies the term persona to the 
Dens in se, the unmanifested God.] 

-8 Trechsel, vol. ii. 282— 3cx>. [Gribaldo's own terminology contains 
no trace of a doctrine of " varieties of the species God."] 


Saluzzo, continued the discussion. They maintained that 
the traditional dogma of the Trinity was contrary to holy 
Scripture and to reason, denied the duality of natures in 
Christ, and held, on the authority of the Bible and the 
epistles of Ignatius, that Jesus Christ, though very God and 
very man, experienced death in his whole being on the 
cross, and consequently was inferior to the Father.-'^ 

Valentino Gentile of Cosenza in Calabria, a tutor, and 
Silvestro Telio, a refugee from Rome, and friend of Betti, 
shared these Antitrinitarian views, and defended them with 
a perseverance worthy of a better fate. They found apolo- 
gists also among several ladies of the Italian congregation. 

Now this opposition, stronger in talent than in numbers, 
gave much trouble to the two pastors, and one of them, 
Martinengo, who had himself, shortly before, given in to 
the Sabellian tendencies of Renato and Pallavicini, adjured 
Calvin, from his death-bed, to take pity on his flock, and 
preserve it from the artifices of these unquiet spirits. So 
Calvin, in concert with Lattanzio Ragnone (d. i6 Feb. 1559), 
the surviving pastor, compiled on 18 May, 1558, a Confes- 
sion of Faith, which so defined the dogma of the Trinity 
and the divinity of Jesus Christ, as to exclude at the same 
time the heresy of Servetus and the error, in the contrary 
sense, of Biandrata, Gentile and Gribaldo.^^ 

This Confession, maturely deliberated, and adopted in 
public session, was signed by all the members of the Italian 
Church, except perhaps Biandrata, Alciati, and Francesco of 
Padua. Six others, Telio, Porcellino, Rustici, Gentile, Pele- 
rino and Nicolao Gallo, scrupled at it in the first instance. 
These latter, however, after three days' hesitation, decided 

351 ft- 

Trechsel, vol. ii. 303 — 315. 

Ibid. vol. ii. 312, 313. Cf. M'Crie, Reformation in Spain, pp. 


to subscribe it without reserve.^^ But Valentino Gentile, 
secretly encouraged in his heresies by Gribaldo, was arrested 
and condemned to death as a heretic and a perjurer. As 
he recanted, he was released from the death penalty. He 
retired at that time to the district of Gex, afterwards to 
Grenoble and Lyons, where he published his Antidota. 
Subsequently he went to Poland with Alciati and Biandrata, 
who both remained there. But Gentile, having had the 
imprudence to return to Switzerland, was retaken at Gex by 
the most high and puissant lords of Bern ; and, this time, 
refusing to accord absolute divinity to the Son, he was 
beheaded (10 Sept. 1566). Thus tragically perished the last 
mover of the Trinitarian controversies in the Italian Church 
at Geneva. 

3. The Italian Church at Zurich. 

From 1525, Zurich was considered by the Protestants of 
the Milanese district as the "city set on a hill" spoken of in 
the gospel, from which the light of Jesus Christ was destined 
to rise on those who were plunged in darkness. It was to 
Zwingli, the valiant chaplain of the Swiss troops in Italy, 
that those of the laity or of the religious orders who hungered 
and thirsted for truth and liberty, directed their gaze. An 
Augustinian of Como, Egidio a Porta, wrote (1525) to 
Zwingli, praying him to deliver him from the Pelagian errors 
in which he pined, and to teach him the true doctrine 
of Christ.^^ Somewhat later, a Carmelite of Locarno, Bal- 
dassare Fontana, asked the Evangelical Cantons to send him 
the writings of the "divine" Zwingli, of Luther, and of 

'' Archives of Geneva, Proces Oiminels, 1st series, No. 746. See 
Appendix VI. [See also Fazy, Proces de Valentin Gentilis et de Nicolas 
Gallo, 1878.] 

^2 Meyer, ut sup., vol. i. 137. Cf. Zwinglii Opera, ut sup., vol. vii, 


CEcolampadius ; supplicating them in a touching manner 
" not to refuse him, a poor Lazarus, the crumbs that fell 
from the master's table. "^^ Varnerio Castiglione, a high-born 
Milanese gentleman, Beccaria, rector of the school al Locarno, 
and the members particularly of the Order of St. Francis, 
preferred to have recourse to their former fellow-labourer, 
Conrad Pellican, as a member of the fraternity who had 
been emancipated by Biblical research. The hospitable 
abode of this learned Hebrew professor at Zurich speedily 
became a refuge for the most distinguished of these refugees. 
We shall find there, in succession, Beccaria and Castiglione, 
Lelio Sozini and Pietro Martire Vermigli.^'^ Bullinger, in 
his turn, also received several Italian fugitives, including 
Ochino (Dec. 1542).^^ Up to that date they were but few 
in number. But, in May 1555, a veritable caravan of 
emigrants entered Ziirich. It was the entire church of 
Locarno, with scarcely an exception (120 to 180 souls), 
which had quitted its sunny home rather than abjure the 
faith of the gospel. Vainly had they appealed to the trea- 
ties which guaranteed a freedom of worship in the Italian 
bailiwicks ; vainly had they presented a Confession of Faith 
in strict conformity with the Apostles' Creed and those of 
the Oecumenical Councils. The arbitrary decree passed 
(18 Nov. 1554) at Baden in the Aargau must take its course, 
and all that the Ziirich bailiff, Johann Rauchlin, had been able 
to do, was to allow them the respite necessary for realising 
their property, and to recommend them to the Christian 
love of his fellow-citizens. The heads of the principal 
patrician families of Locarno led the way : Martino Muralto, 

3' Meyer, ut sup., vol. i. 127. 

'* Concerning the evangelical tendencies of a great number of Fran- 
ciscans, see Meyer, vol. i., notes 66 and 72. 

'* Calvini Opera, vol. xi. 441 (Letter from Bullinger to Vadian, already 


doctor of laws, Taddeo Duno, doctor of medicine, Barto- 
lommeo Orelli, notary public, with their wives. Among 
those of the middle class may be mentioned the names of 
Appiano, Ronco, and Clara Orella, wife of Besozzo.^*^ After 
having provided for their material wants, the Zurich magis- 
trates granted them the use of the Church of St. Peter for 
worship in Italian, and invited them to choose a pastor. 

Beccaria having declined their call, on account of insuf- 
ficient theological culture, their unanimous choice fell upon 
•Ochino, who had already exercised pastoral functions with 
universal acceptance at Geneva (1542 — 1545), at Augsburg 
(1545 — 1547), and in London (1548 — 1553), and who had 
acqnired a great reputation by his writings. 

The exiles from Locarno had elected a church session, 
composed of four elders (soon afterwards increased to six, 
out of respect to Vermigli and another refugee of distinction). 
Two of them, Martino Muralto and Lelio Sozini, were deputed 
to carry the letter of invitation to Ochino, who was then 
with his family at Basel. A few weeks later, Ochino preached 
his first sermon at Zurich. The arrival, in the following 
year, of his old friend Vermigli, summoned to succeed 
Pellican in the chair of Hebrew, was a doubly-prized acces- 
sion ; since it brought to Ochino the counsels of a tried 
friendship, and the assistance of a colleague who filled his 
place in the pulpit whenever he was absent or ill.^'^ 

During the eight years of Ochino's ministry at Zurich, he 
did more than discharge his pastoral functions with an inde- 
fatigable devotion, preaching, consoling the afflicted, opening 
his house to exiles, including Acontius and Betti (1557), and 

^® Meyer, tit sup., vol. ii. passim, and Appendix vii. to vol. i. 

^^ Benrath, td sup., pp. 225, 240. It was a Locainian named Filippo 
Appiano who was appointed to fetch Ochino's family, which had remained 
at Basel, and to house them at ZUrich in the bailiff's residence of the 
Riitli convent, which had been allotted as a manse for the minister of 
the Italian church. 


visiting widows, for instance Isabella Manriquez and her 
son, old friends belonging to the Valdes circle. He dis- 
played, in addition, a theological productiveness truly mar- 
vellous, when it is remembered that he was sixty-eight years 
of age at the time of his call to Ziirich. It was in this city 
that he composed his dialogue on Purgatory (translated into 
German by the son of Zwingli) ; his treatise on the Lord's 
Supper, in answer to the attacks of the Lutheran doctor 
Westphal on the Sacramentarians ; his Labyrinths, a disser- 
tation on free-will and predestination, dedicated to Queen. 
Elizabeth of England ; his Catec/iistn, for the use of his 
parishioners ; and, finally, his Thirty Dialogues, on the 
Messiah, the Trinity, &c. (Basel, 1563).^^ 

Since the death of Servetus nothing so bold had appeared 
on these burning questions as the last-named work, in two 
volumes. In the first, Ochino refutes the various objections 
brought against the Messiahship and the redeeming work of 
Christ, putting them into the mouth of a Jew named Jacob. 
Even at this stage, considering the sharpness with which the 
objections are presented, one is tempted to ask if the author 
does not rather share the opinion of the Jew than that of 
the Christian. But in the second volume, dedicated to 
Prince Mikolaj Radziwill, Ochino clearly betrays a tendency 
to place the strongest arguments against the Trinity in the 
mouth of the opponent, in such wise that the reader may be 
led to agree with him. 

It required some courage on Ochino's part to propound 
his doubts concerning this most sacred dogma, even under 
the indirect method of dialogue. The unanimity with which 
the Swiss theologians had approved the execution of Servetus, 
should have forewarned him that the Athanasian Creed was 
not to be lightly treated with impunity. But he knew, as 
the motto he placed on the title-page of earlier works 

^^ Benrath, at sup., pp. 245, 264. 


indicates, that "Truth overcometh all" {omnia vincit Veritas, 
I Esd. iii. 12) ; and he was ready, like his divine Master, to 
suffer persecution in this holy cause. 

Denounced to the Zurich magistracy by a merchant of 
the town, who had heard the book spoken of at the Basel 
falr,'^'' and abandoned by his colleagues of the Zwinglian 
church, Ochino was condemned to exile, without even being 
allowed to defend himself A widower, accompanied by 
four children, he set forth on his journey of exile, in the 
depth of winter, at the age of seventy-six. After having 
been repulsed in succession from Basel, Miihlhausen, Niirn- 
berg, and even from Krakow, and having lost three children, 
owing to sickness and privation, he succumbed beneath the 
weight of so many insults and sorrows, and died at Slavkov 
in Moravia (1564). His martyrdom had lasted nearly a 
year. But, by his preaching and his writings, he had brought 
light to the minds of many who entertained his doctrines, at 
Geneva, Basel, Augsburg, London, Ziirich, and the Val 
Tellina. Among these must be mentioned that devoted 
member of the church of Locarno, Antonio Maria Besozzo, 
of whom Ave have so frequently spoken, and who in the 
following year was also excommunicated, and expelled from 
Zurich as being tainted with the heresies of Servetus and 
Ochino (1565). He raised aloft the banner of Unitarianism 
at Basel, which had been struck down by the Trinitarians at 

^^ [The portion which excited popular clamour was the polygamy 
dialogue (xxi.); but, in their second report to the Senate, the Ziirich 
ministers specify also the tendency of the book to cast doubts on the 
Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and the necessity of atonement.] 

''° Trechsel, vol. ii. 272 — 276. Cf. Meyer, vol. ii. 156 — 195. Besozzo 
was followed to Basel by many Locarnese families (Appiano, Rosalino, 


4. The Italian Church at Basel ; Focus of Anti- 
Calvinist Opposition. 

The Church of Basel, thanks to the Uberty at that time 
enjoyed by the imperial cities, had assumed an independent 
attitude towards the two opposite poles of Reformed Switzer- 
land, Geneva and Zurich. Under the leadership of QEcolam- 
padius, Oswald Myconius, and above all of Simon Sulzer, 
moderator (antistes) of the presbytery, it had entered into 
friendly relations with the Lutheran churches of South 
Germany, Augsburg and Strassburg. Furthermore, the Uni- 
versity of Basel, covered with fresh glory by the long 
Iresidence of Erasmus, had very extensive privileges ; while 
the press, represented by the celebrated printers Froben, 
Oporinus (Herbst), Pietro Bizarri of Perugia, and Pietro 
Perna of Lucca, enjoyed there an extraordinary freedom. 
Thus Basel had been, in good season, a refuge for the 
victims of the intolerance of the North and of the South. 
David Joris, Jerome Hernias Bolsec, Besozzo, and especially 
the eminent Sebastian Castellio (Chateillon), found there a 
safe harbour, and established a philosophico-literary centre, 
in opposition to Calvin and his alter ego Theodore Beza. 

A situation thus privileged was sure to attract the eyes of 
the Italian refugees. So, from the early years following the 
estabhshment of the Inquisition, many emigrants of distinc- 
tion took u]) their residence at Basel, the d'Annoni and 
Curioni of Piedmont, the Grataroli of Bergamo, the Colli a 
Collibus of Alessandria, Mino Celsi and A. Socini (with his 
five sons), from Siena, the Betti of Rome, the Zannoni of 
Vicenza, and the Balbani, the Diodati and the Micheli of 

But there were two who eclipsed all these; one by his 

''^ Moerikofer, ut sup., p. 418. Cf. extract from \\^& Registers of the 
French Church at Basel, communicated by Pastor Bernus. 


eloquence and his controversial ability, the other by his 
literary and teaching powers, Ochino and Celio Secondo 
Curione. The former only stayed two years, 1553 — 1555) a.t 
Basel, but many of his books were printed there; his sermon 
on ^Justification (translated into Latin by Curione (1554), 
the five volumes of his Prediche ( 1 548 — 1562), his dissertation 
on the Lord's Supper (1561), his Labyriiiths (1561), his 
Catechism (1561), and lastly, his famous Thirty Dialogues 
(translated into Latin by Castellio, 1563).'*^ 

As to Curione, nominated professor of Latin eloquence, 
and thus colleague of Castellio at the academy of Basel, 
he attracted thither during twenty-three years (1546 — 1569) 
a crowd of hearers, as much by his piety and the charm 
of his social intercourse as by his literary culture. He 
entered, too, into correspondence with all the European 
men of letters, including Sir John Cheke, and, following 
in the steps of Erasmus, he gathered around him at Basel 
a literary and evangelical circle, in which the Italian element 
predominated.'*^ If we may judge from the dialogues of 

■*- Benrath, ut sup., pp. 219 ff. 

■*■' Trechsel, vol. i. 208, 217. Cf. Lecky, tit «//., vol. ii. 46. It appears 
from the researches which Pastor Bernus has kindly undertaken for us 
in the Archives of Basek that there was no organised Italian Church in 
that city before the middle of the seventeenth century. The refugees 
from the Italian peninsula were at first joined to the Evangelical Church 
of Basel ; afterwards, from the time of the formation of the French 
Church in 1582, a portion of the Italian refugees attached themselves to it ; 
Giovanni Francesco Castiglione, for example, elder of the Church at Basel 
in 1 588. The numbers of the refugees being augmented in the first half of 
the seventeenth century by the arrival of the families of Pallavicini and 
Stuppani from the Engadine, the Fatio family from Chiavenna, and others, 
they were authorised to found an independent church. Andrea Costa, ex- 
Theatine of Piacenza, doctor of philosophy and theology in the University 
of Padua, converted at Basel 1657, was received into the ministry, and 
preached with great success in the Italian Church. After him, Giovanni 
Toniola (originally from the Grisons) became the pastor of the Italian 


Curione, De Amplitudine Beati Regni Dei, and from the 
celebrated work of Mino Celsi, /;/ Hareticis cocrcendis 
qnatemis progredi liceat (i577),'*-* long confounded with 
another work, sometimes attributed to Lelio Sozini,*^ there 
reigned in this group of refugees a universalist tendency 
and a spirit of tolerance, which present a striking contrast to 
the particularism and intolerance of the Reformers of the 
North. Hence Calvin accused them of "permitting all sorts 
of discordant disputations, and of regarding the controversies 
on the Trinity and predestination as open questions."'^" 

But in our eyes this reproach is their glory ; for it proves 
that these Christians, without abandoning the gospel founda- 
tion, had succeeded in rising superior to the dogmatic 
prejudice of their age. 

It was accordingly through this tendency to set God's 
love above His justice, and to regard the gospel as in 
harmony with reason, that Castellio, Curione, Celsi, and 
their like, prepared the way for the Unitarianism of the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 

5. Relations of the Italian Refugees in Switzer- 
land WITH England. 

We have already indicated the sympathetic relations which 
existed as early as 1531 between the Swiss theologians and 
the English Reformers ; and the scheme which Cramner 
had entertained of forming at his palace of Lambeth a sort 

community, which he served faithfully during thirty years. This Toniola 
was the author o'i Basilea Scpiilta, and father of J. Toniola, a celebrated 
professor of law at Basel. Cf. Athena RauriccE : Basel, 1778. 

■*•* [A second edition bore the title, De Hcareticis capitali suppUcio non 
afficiendis (1584).] 

^^ [This was the De Hcrrelicis an sint persequendi (1553).] 
■*« Calvini Opera, vol. xv. 21 18 (Letter from Calvin to the Church of 
Poitiers, 22nd February, 1555). 


of synod of the most learned divines of the Continent, with 
a view to arrive at an agreement concerning the fundamental 
points of Christian doctrine. 

The heads of the conflicting parties, Calvin and Melanch- 
thon, having declined the generous invitation of the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, he was desirous at any rate of turning 
to account the good-will of other theologians, so as to raise 
the standard of theological studies, which at Oxford and 
Cambridge had fallen very low, and thus to form a nursery 
of trained ministers for the Anglican Church. Sir John 
Cheke, the learned preceptor of Edward VI., and the corre- 
spondent of Erasmus and Curione,'^'' was of great assistance 
to him in this delicate task, by drawing his attention to men 
of mark on the continent."*^ 

Furthermore, the terror of the Roman Inquisition, and 
the severities of the Augsburg Interim, supphed him with 
an excellent occasion for carrying out his plan. Then it 
was that Bucer and Fagius from Strassburg, and John a 
Lasco from Emden, acceded to Cramner's invitation. 

Among these guests of the Archbishop, Primate of all 
England, a great number, even a majority we think, belonged 
to the Italian emigration, and came from Switzerland and 
South Germany. 

There had been formed at Augsburg, a place of commercial 
importance owing to the banking establishment of the Fugger 
family, an Italian congregation, of which Ochino had been 

*'' Cheke, professor at St. John's College, Cambridge, was one of the 
revivers of classical and Biblical learning in that University. It is to him 
that Curione had recommended Ochino; and further on we shall see 
him on friendly terms with John a Lasco. Cf Olympias Fulvise Morata" 
Opera: Basel, 1570. At the end will be found Ccclii S. Curionis Epistolce. 
(See p. 287, "Curio, Johanni Keko:" Basel, Sept. 1547.) 

*8 Castellio dedicated his Latin version of the Bible to Edward VI. 
in 1 55 1, following the example of many Swiss theologians, BuUinger, 
Calvin, &c. 



pastor after leaving Geneva (1545 — 1547)- Strassburg also 
counted its distinguished Italian refugees ; Pietro Martire 
Vermigli, professor of Hebrew ; Paolo Lacisio, professor of 
Greek; Girolamo Massario, professor of medicine; Girolamo 
Zanchi, the Citolini and the Odoni (1553 — 1563). Strassburg 
was at that time the half-way stage on the road which travellers 
followed in going from Basel to London. This will explain 
why most of the Italians halted there in December 1547.*^ 
It was thence that Ochino and Vermigli, accompanied by 
their faithful companion Giulio Terenziano, started on their 
journey to England ; Lelio Sozini and Pietro Bizarri of 
Perugia also passed through in 1548; and it was there, on 
the other hand, that the English Protestants proscribed by 
Mary Tudor, Foxe, Grindal, Ponet and Sampson, pitched 
their camp. 

The generous offers of the English king, Edward VI., not 
only reached Basel and Zurich, but also the Val Tellina. 
Mainardo and Zanchi, pastors of Chiavenna, Martinengo, 
pastor at Geneva, and Vergerio, the ecclesiastical inspector 
(insitator) of the Italian churches in the Val Tellina, were 
thus invited to cross over to Great Britain, at that time the 
citadel of Protestantism in Europe. From Soglio, in the 
Val Bregaglia, came the first minister of the Italian Church 
in London (1551 — X553), Michel- Angelo Florio; and thither 
he returned in 1558.5*^ 

^'^ According to a memorandum communicated by M. Rod. Reuss, 
librarian at Strassburg, there was not in that city, any more than in 
Basel, an organised Italian Church. The refugees of that nationality, 
such as Vermigli and Zanchi, attached themselves to the French Church, 
of which those just mentioned soon became elders. 

^" Meyer, iit stip., vol. i. 57, 59, note. Cf. Zurich Letters, 3 ser., 
Letter 234 (Martyr to Bullinger). 


The Strangers' Church in London. — Birth of tire Unitarian idea. 

The reasons which induced Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop 
of London, to invite foreign scholars to come to his aid in 
the work of raising the standard of the Enghsh Universities, 
have already been passed in review. Two other motives, 
of a less interested character, influenced him in the same 
direction ; the project of establishing an agreement among 
all the Protestant churches on certain controverted points, 
including the question of the Eucharist, and the hope that 
when they returned home to their respective countries, these 
emigrants would all disseminate the same evangelical doctrine. 
From the accession of Edward VI. there was in the policy 
of Cranmer an elevation of view, and a catholicity of senti- 
ment, which prove that his intellect was of a higher order 
than his character. Freed from the despotic sway of 
Henry VIIL, he threw his energies into the scale of progress 
and liberty. The continental theologians who first responded 
to his appeal were Italians and Spaniards. On 20 December, 
1547, Bernardino Ochino and Pietro Martire Vermigli 
arrived in London, after a favourable journey of six and a 
half weeks from Basel, and received the Archbishop's hos- 
pitality at Lambeth palace.^ Peter Martyr was at once 

^ The memorandum of their traveUing expenses, drawn up by Sir 
John Abel, who had been charged to conduct them from Basel, gives 
curious details concerning their dress, arms and horses ; unfortunately, 
the list of the theological books bought for Ochino at Basel is lost ; for 

I 2 


appointed professor of theology at Oxford, where he was 
rejoined by his faithful companion Giulio Terenziano, who, 
doubtless, acted as his amanuensis. Vermigli had married 
at Strassburg a French lady named Dammartin, a refugee 
from Metz. He took an important part in the controversies 
on the Lord's Supper, which were evoked by the Bill in 
Parliament introducing communion in both kinds into the 
Anglican Church, and which excited also much interest in 
the Strangers' Church, by whose members he was often 

As for Bernardino Ochino, furnished with a recommenda- 
tion from C. S. Curione to Sir John Cheke, preceptor of 
Edward VI., he was presented to a prebend at Canterbury, 
in January 1548, without obligation of residence; and was 
commissioned, as at Augsburg, to preach before the Italian 
community at London, consisting of merchants and of 
refugees. He too was married, and the father of a little 
daughter, and he rejoiced in the birth of a son during his 
sojourn in England. Cranmer commissioned him to invite 
Wolfifgang Musculus (Mosel), who had been his neighbour 
as pastor of the German Reformed Church at Augsburg, 
and was now menaced by the Interim ; but Musculus pre- 
ferred to withdraw to Bern.^ Ochino did not content 
himself with regularly discharging the duties of preaching 
and the cure of souls ; he continued to exert his powers as 
writer on topics of the day. It was in London that he 
composed his Tragxdie (existing only in the English trans- 
lation, 1549), a kind of dramatic dialogue, directed against 

Vermigli were purcliased the Basel editions of Augustine, Cyprian, and 
Epiphanius. See Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., p. 541, note. Cf. Benrath, 
Ochino, p. 186. 

2 Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 225, 226. Cf. Cranmer''s Memorials, 
vol. i. 338. 

^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 161— 163 (Ochino to Musculus). 


the unjust supremacy of the Bishop of Rome ; and the third 
volume of his Prediche (155 1). While Peter Martyr was of 
a calm and peaceful disposition, altogether averse to theo- 
logical subtleties and discussions of the Byzantine type, 
Ochino's temperament was ardent and adventurous, loving 
arduous questions and paradoxes, undisturbed by contra- 
dictions or by calumnies, since he had confidence in the 
triumph of truth.* 

The year 1548 witnessed the arrival of Francisco de 
Enzina, Tremellio, Bizarri and others. The first of these, 
born at Burgos in 1520, had taken the name of Dryander 
(oakman, from cncina). He was the author of the first 
translation of the New Testament into Spanish, dedicated 
to Charles V. (1543).^ Having escaped the gaolers of the 
Inquisition at Brussels, he had gone to pursue his studies 
under Melanchthon. He was the bearer of the answer from 
Melanchthon to the letter of Edward VL, inviting him to 
the synod of theologians projected by Cramner; and although 
this reply was in the negative, Dryander was well received, 
and appointed professor of Greek at Cambridge. He had 
also attended several classes at Zurich, and kept up a 
correspondence with Bullinger.*^ According to Melanchthon, 
he was " a learned man, serious, and endowed with a rare 
virtue, displaying a philosophic ardour in all his engage- 
ments." Emanuele Tremellio, sprung from an Israelitish 
family of Ferrara, had already taught Hebrew in the San 

^ See, in Benrath's Ochino, App. iii., the beautiful device placed at 
the head of his Prediche : " If they have persecuted me, they will also 
persecute you ; but truth overcometh all things." 

^ [The first published translation. Juan de Valdes seems to have 
been the first to translate the New Testament from Greek into Spanish. 
Portions were published, with commentary, in 1557.] 

® See Boehmer, Spanish Reformers, yo\. i. 152; Ziirich Letters, 3 ser. 
Letters 170, 174. Cf. Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. 1st part, pp. 
1 88, 189. 


Frediano college at Lucca, under the auspices of Petei 
Martyr; he too was married, and obtained the preferment 
of canon of Carlisle, until a professorial chair should fall 
vacant. Ultimately he succeeded Fagius." 

As for Pietro Bizarri of Perugia, an eloquent humanist, 
also exiled from Italy for having professed the gospel faith, 
he was for many years secretary to John Russell, Earl of 
Bedford (created 1550, d. 1554), and afterwards became 
lecturer at St. John's College, Oxford. While there, he 
composed in Italian a curious history of the war in Hungary 
between the Emperor and the Turks (1569), and other 

France and x\lsace also furnished their contingent to this 
select body of learned refugees in England. 

Pierre Alexandre, a native of Brussels, who had already 
been " preacher to Queen Mary of Hungary, Governess of 
the Low Countries," and professor of theology at Heidelberg, 
obtained a prebend at Canterbury, and was commissioned 
to lecture to candidates in theology on the Fathers of the 
Greek Church, Ignatius, Ireneeus, Origen and Epiphanius, 
with special reference to the anti-Romish controversy.''' 

In Canterbury also was placed at the head of the French 
and Walloon refugees, Valerand PouUain, a gentleman of 
Lille, active and high-souled, but somewhat turbulent and 
disputatious. He had succeeded Pierre BruUy as minister 
of the French Church at Strassburg. Having quarrelled 
with some prominent elders of his church, Johann Sturm, 
Peter Martyr and Tremellio, he had been obliged to resign 

■^ Strype, AIe?norials, vol. ii. i. 306 ff. Cf. Haag, La France Protes- 
tante, art. T?-e?neniits. 

^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 164 (Pietro di Perugia to Bullinger). 
Cf. Bayle's Dictionary, ed. Birch and Lockman, art. Acontius. 

^ See Rod. Reuss, Notes stir VEglise Fran^aise de Strasbourg : Strasb. 
1880. Zurich Letters, 3 sen, Letter 157. Cf. Biographie Nationale 
Belgique, vol. i. 217. 


in favour of Jean Garnier of Avignon ; he did not suspect 
that later on he would see, as second in succession to him 
at Strassburg, this same Pierre Alexandre, whom he then 
met at Canterbury. ^•^ In these ways persecution brought 
about an interchange of pastors and of good offices between 
the various reformed churches of Europe, such as, unhappily, 
takes place no longer, under our existing regime of peace 
on a war footing. 

Precisely as Ochino had been commissioned to invite 
Curione and Musculus, was Pierre Alexandre requested to 
otter hospitality in England to Bucer and Fagius, who had 
been obliged to leave Strassburg on account of the Interim. 
He also received from Edward VI. the honourable mission 
of going to meet them at Calais with a view to procure them 
every facility for trie cross-channel passage. 

These two pastors arrived in London at the end of April, 
T549, and were forthwith received at Lambeth Palace, 
where Archbishop Cranmer welcomed and entertained them 
as brothers, not as subordinates. With delicate attention he 
had gathered under his own roof their old Strassburg friends, 
to bid them welcome : Peter Martyr and Terenziano,Tremellio 
and de Enzina, and some pious Frenchmen as well.^^ Bucer 
was entrusted with the teaching of theology at Cambridge, 
while Fagius occupied the chair of Hebrew, which, after his 
death (Nov. 1549), fell to the lot of Tremellio. His colleague 
Bucer scarcely survived him a year, dying in February, 
155 1 ; but he played a great part in the organization of the 
Anglican Church. 

In the month of March of the same year, 1549, John a 
Lasco,^^ reformer of the churches in East Friesland, had 

1" See Rod. Reuss, ut step., pp. 6 ff. Cf. Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 
348 (Poullain to Calvin). 

" Ziirich Letters, 3 sen, Letters 157 and 248 (Bucer and Fagius to 
the ministers of Strassburg). 

^'^ For wliat follows, see Jo. Utenhovius, id sup. 


come to London to prepare a refuge for his flock at Emden, 
in danger from the Catholic reaction, for which the Augsburg 
Interim had given the signal. He was a Polish baron, born 
at Warszaw in 1499, of one of the richest families in that city, 
and educated with the greatest care by his uncle, the Arch- 
bishop of Gniezno, primate of Poland. He had been con- 
verted to the gospel through intercourse with Erasmus and 
the influence of Hardenberg, and inclined towards the school 
of Melanchthon in his ideas of dogma. Furnished with a 
literary and theological culture of the first order, and endowed 
with a conciliating and generous disposition, he awakened 
sympathy by an abnegation well-nigh heroic, and commanded 
respect by his noble mien. Well received by the Archbishop 
of Canterbury and by Sir John Cheke, a Lasco was presented 
to the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, by his physician. 
Dr. Turner, and had little trouble in demonstrating the 
moral and political advantages of the reception of these 
refugees from Flanders and Friesland, the chief economical 
gain being the introduction of wool-weaving into England. 
After having charged one of his Italian friends, Signore 
Fiorenzio, to give an account of his interview with the 
Protector, to Sir William Cecil, Secretary of State, and 
having begged Cecil, by letter dated from Yarmouth, to let 
him know the result through a certain Robert Legate, an 
English merchant established at Emden, a Lasco returned 
to his flock. ^^ 

In his absence, Latimer, the valiant champion of evan- 
gelical reforms, then living in retirement at Lambeth, warmly 
pleaded his cause, and was not afraid to say in a sermon 
preached before the young king, that it was pity if John a 
Lasco, that most learned man and excellent Christian, had 
gone away for want of support; that the king would do 
himself honour, and forward the prosperity of the kingdom, 

" See Strype, Cranmer's Memorials, vol. ii. app. 50. 


in gathering together such men; and he applied to k Lasco's 
case the word of the Lord Jesus Christ, " He that receiveth 
you receiveth me." 

It must not be too hastily imagined that all the English 
clerg}' beheld with a favourable eye the establishment of a 
Strangers' Church, enjoying its own government and separate 
form of worship. Many bishops, including Ridley, Bishop 
of London, whose mouthpiece was the Lord Treasurer, the 
same bishop to whose use the choir of the Augustin Church 
had been reserved, claimed to subject the Protestant refugees 
to the alternative of either adopting the Anglican ritual and 
liturgy, or else proving that these were not in harmony with 
the Word of God. These tactics were not wanting in clever- 
ness ; they were foiled by the firmness of Thomas Cranmer, 
who to the great surprise of many — for in the affair of Hooper 
he had not shown himself so liberal — was the principal 
champion of the rights and Uberties of the Strangers' Church.^* 

Thanks to him and to the perseverance of John a Lasco, 
the latter obtained the letters-patent from Edward VL which 
we have summarised in the fourth chapter,^'' and which have 
remained to this day a charter of freedom for dissenting 
worship in England. There were at that time in London at 
least three thousand Protestant refugees, for the most part 
of Flemish or Walloon origin, and perhaps two or three 
hundred Italians and Spaniards. Most of them lived in the 
parishes of St. Martins-le-Grand, St. Catherine Coleman, 
and St. Martins-in-the-Fields.^^ 

^^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 263 and postscript (Microen to Bul- 

^^ See Appendix III. 

1® For statistics of the Protestant refugees in London, see Zurich 
Letters, 3 sen, Letters 162, 163, 172 and 250. Cf. Calendar of State 
Papers (Edward VI. ), which mentions the passage of two hundred Italians 
going northward. We have talien a mean between the exaggerated 
figures of Ochino, more than five thousand, and those of Bucer, six to 


The privilege granted by the king was very extensive, as 
we have seen above. He conceded to the two nations, the 
French and Dutch (the Walloons were ranked under the 
former, the Flemings under the latter title), the Church of 
the Augustins in perpetuity. Furthermore, full and entire 
liberty was granted them to elect their ministers, elders and 
deacons, with the single reservation that the successive 
superintendents and other ministers should be presented to 
and instituted by the king. In good sooth, a Lasco had 
obtained more than he had asked for ; no English bishop, 
not even the Bishop of London or the Primate, had any 
supervision in the affairs of the church in Austin Friars, and 
the prelates were not at all pleased about it.^" 

John a Lasco was appointed Superintendent of the two 
branches of the church, and the choice of the young sovereign 
was ratified by general approbation. Richard Francois 
(Gallus), otherwise called Vauville, a disciple of Calvin, and 
Francois Martoret du Rivier (Riverius), otherwise called 
Perucell, were the first pastors of the French Church. The 
Flemings had as ministers Wouter Deloen, or Walter 
Delvin (Deloenus), ex-librarian of Henry VHL, and Marten 
Microen, an excellent friend of BuUinger.^* ^g ^j^g ].jj^g 
had undertaken the charge of repairing the Augustin Church, 
and as the work "was being protracted day after day" to a 

eight hundred, which appear to us too few. See also J. S. Burn, Hist, 
of the French, Walloon, Dutch and other Prot. Refugees settled in England: 
London, 1846, pp. 6, 7. [Ochino's figures (23 Dec. 1548) are confirmed 
to the letter by Musculus ("more than five thousand," 12 March, 1549), 
and corroborated by de Enzina (" four thousand," 5 June, 1549). Bucer's 
"six to eight hundred, all godly men" (14 Aug. 1549), were probably 
the residue left after successive deportations to the foreign settlements in 
the provinces.] 

^^ Calvini Opera, ut sup., vol. xiii. 1399 ( Utenhoz'ius Calvino). 
^* See Werken van de Maarnix- Vereeiiiging, part i. Kerkraad's Pro- 
tocollen der Hollandsche Geineente te Lo>idon (1569 — 1571). 


more lengthened period than their reHgious wants would 
allow, the Flemings obtained from "some citizens of London" 
the provisional use of another church, where Microen 
preached for the first time on the 21st September, 1550, 
before a congregation so numerous that the edifice would 
not hold them. The French had their place of worship in 
the chapel of St. Anthony's Hospital, Threadneedle Street.^'' 

As soon as he saw things going on smoothly, John a Lasco 
gave his mind to furnishing the Strangers' Church with a 
regular organization. 

He began by drawing up a Confession of Faith and a 
Catechism, in accordance with the principles of doctrine 
adopted by the church at Emden (1544). These two docu- 
ments, dedicated to King Edward VI., were published, in 
Latin and in Dutch, for the use of the members of the 
community.-" This creed, " founded," as he said, " on the 
authority of the voice of God, revealed by angels, the pro- 
phets and Christ," proclaimed the dogma of the Trinity, in 
the sense of three hypostases, distinct and yet united, con- 
formably to the Baptismal formula. 

It was next resolved that each branch of the church should 
elect its own church session and diaconate, by plurality of 
votes, but subject to the royal sanction. As regards the 
church session {consistorium or concilium)^ a Lasco, influenced 
by a passage from the first Epistle of St. Paul to the Corin- 
thians (xii. 28), added to the two classes of pastors {prophetce 
or doctores) and elders {semores, presbyteri), a third class, that 

^^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 264 (Microen to Bullinger). For all 
that concerns the organisation of this Church, see the second volume of 
Dr. Kuyper's work, entitled, yoannis a Lasco Opera, tain edita qiiam 
inedita, 2 vols. 8vo : Amsterdam and The Hague, 1866. 

-" Kuyper, tttsup., vol. ii. pp. 285 — 339, Compendiuvi de vera unicaque 
Dei et Chi-isti Ecclesia, ejusque fide et conpessione ptira : hi qua Peregri- 
noru7ii Ecclesia Londini instiUita est: London, 1551. Cf. Calvini Opera, 
vol. xiv. 1432 (Letter from a Lasco to Bullinger, London, 7 Jan. 1551). 


of assistants or men of affairs {seiiiores subsidarii or politici 
viri), who were specially charged to watch over the material 
interests, and maintain the rights and liberties of the church 
in its relations with the Government. 

Another very useful institution of a Lasco was that of 
Biblical conferences {propheticE), which were held on Tuesday 
in the French church, and on Thursday in the Flemish 
church, on the model of the congregational usage of Geneva. 
In these conferences the laity had the right of discussing 
the sermons of the preceding week, while on the ministers 
devolved the duty of explaining obscure or doubtful points 
in their teaching.^^ 

The first elections of elders and deacons took place in the 
two churches on 5th and 12th October, 1550, and the year 
following the Flemings had already three conferences, two 
in Latin, presided over by a Lasco and Deloen, and one in 
their mother tongue.-- 

They lacked but one thing, liberty to administer Baptism 
and the Lord's Supper, which had been accorded to them 
by the king's patent, but was withheld by the ill-will of the 

In spite of a Lasco's exertions, the bishops, by their 
intrigues, ended in obtaining an Order in Council which 
obliged the Strangers to receive the sacraments "fettered by 
the English ceremonies,"which to them appeared "intolerable 
to all godly persons."'^^ The courageous Superintendent was 
more successful when he went before the Lord Chancellor 
and the Secretary of State to defend those members of his 

21 Kuyper, ut sup., vol. ii. 45 — 50, Forma ac Ratio Rcdesiastici Minis- 
terii in Pej'egrinorutu Ecclesia : Frankfort, 155 1. Cf. Theological Review, 
Jan. 1876, art. Gordon on Hook's Laud, referring to records of the 
Walloon Church at Norwich. See Appendix VII. 

2^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser.. Letters 264 and 265 (Microen to Eullinger). 

^^ Lbid. 3 sen, Letter 264, postscript (Microen to Eullinger). 


church whom the churchwardens would have compelled to 
resort to their respective parish churches, on pain of fine or 

To bring to a close what relates to the Flemish and 
Walloon Churches, we must mention the organisation and 
worship for which John a Lasco was arranging, at the very 
time when the Ecdesia Peregrinoruin was again scattered.-'^ 
A Lasco, in a letter to Bullinger, 7 January, 1551, after 
having informed him that the '• Word" was held forth in 
Flemish and in French, in two different places of worship, 
and having begged him to forward to Calvin a copy of his 
Confession of Faith, added, " The Italians also will soon 
have their church ; they have already a place of worship and 
a minister of their own, a pious and learned man, gifted with a 
rare eloquence, and who has suffered much for Christ's sake." 

Is there a reference in this letter, as seems at the first 
glance, to Bernardino Ochino ? We think not, for he was 
well known to Bullinger, and were it he, a Lasco need only 
have called him Master Bernardine, as in his other letters. 
Moreover, Ochino, wholly absorbed in the composition of 
his great polemical and metaphysical works, would doubtless 
have been unequal to the manifold exigencies of the regular 
pastorate. The minister in question can be no one but 
Michel- Angelo Florio, a proscribed Florentine, who had 
emigrated at the same time, doubtless, as Vermigli and 
Terenziano, and hence was already in London, enjoying the 
favour of Sir William Cecil, at the time of a Lasco's first 
visit. ^'' There were besides in London two or three hundred 

** Strype, Cranmer's Memorials, vol. ii. app. 5i' 

2^ Calvini Opera, vol. xiv. 1750 (a Lasco to Bullinger: Lond. 7 June, 
1553). Cf. Kuyper, iit sup., vol. ii. i. Forma ac Ratio lata Ecdesiastici 
Ministerii, in Peregrinoriim, potissimiim vera Germanoriim Ecclesia, 
instituta Londini in Anglia : Frankfort, 1555' 

2^ M'Crie, Reformation in Spain: Edin. 1829, pp. 365 ff. Cf. p. 120, 
ante, where " S ignore Fiorenzio" maybe identical witli Florio. 


refugees from Tuscany, Genoa, Milan, the Venetian territory 
and Istria, including some Spaniards. 

An Italian Church was therefore constituted in the course 
of the year 155 1, by the assiduity of Cranmer and Cecil, and 
placed, along with the two preceding churches, under the 
superintendence of k Lasco. Its members enjoyed the same 
privileges as the Flemings and Walloons ; that is to say, they 
were independent of the English parishes, and exempt from 
ecclesiastical dues, but had to furnish by assessment a salary 
for their pastor. " The Italian service," says Cantu, " was 
held in a church dedicated to St. Cecilia;" but we suspect 
that this learned writer has too hastily confounded St. Cecilia, 
patroness of musicians, with Sir William Cecil, patron of the 
Protestant refugees. It appears that, outdoing even Ochino, 
Florio thundered against the " Antichrist whose seat was at 
Rome," and moreover did not carry matters well with those 
of his flock who were weak in their new faith ; for in the course 
of the year 1552, fourteen of them went back to the Mass, and 
refused to contribute to his salary. The irascible Florentine, 
in place of winning them back by mildness, denounced them 
to the severity of the magistrate as apostates, in a letter to 
Sir William Cecil, in which he invokes against them the laws 
of Moses and those of England.-" 

Never was the word of Jesus Christ, " With what judgment 
ye judge, ye shall be judged," better verified than in the 
case of Florio ; for, in the month of January of the following 
year, having committed a scandalous sin, he was deprived 
by the Privy Council, expelled from the house of Sir William 
Cecil, his protector, and driven to invoke in his own favour 
the examples of clemency in the Old and New Testaments 
which he ought to have recollected in dealing with his 
dissentient parishioners.^^ It was at this juncture that, out of 

-'' Strype, Cranmer'' s Memorials, vol. ii. app. 52. 
-« Ibid., app. 53, 54. 


spite, he sought to sow in the Strangers' Church the dogmatic 
divisions which we shall examine in a subsequent paragraph. 
He ended by regaining the favour of the Secretary of State 
and the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and composed later on, 
doubtless after his retirement to the Val Tellina, that very 
rare book entitled, Historia de la Vita e de la Morte de 
rUlustrissiina slgnofa Giovanna Grdia, gia Regina eletta 
d' Inghilterra (1607). --^ 

The Italian Church, like the two elder branches of the 
Peregrinoriim Ecclesia, was dispersed in September 1553, a 
little after the triumph of Bloody Mary over the innocent 
Jane Grey : as for the Spanish Church, it was not separately 
organised until the reign of Elizabeth. 

There were, in the reign of Edward VI., other churches 
of refugees outside of London, including the one at Canter- 
bury (1547), which held its services in the crypt of the cath'e- 
dral.^*^ The one at Glastonbury in Somersetshire, founded 
under the auspices of the Duke of Somerset and the super- 
intendence of Valcrand PouUain, deserves a special mention, 
because it was composed of Flemish and Walloon weavers, 
who imported into the West of England the manufacture 01 
broadcloth and blankets. -^^ 

It was in the bosom of the Strangers' Church at London 
that the Unitarians, whose tendencies had hitherto been 
disconnected, and mixed up with Anabaptism, formulated 
for the first time a clear and definite programme. In 
Hooper's letter of 25 June, 1549, which we have quoted in 

'^^ [Also an Apologia . , . tte la quale si tratta de la vera e falsa chiesa, 
de Vessere e qualita de la messa . . . scritta contra a un heretico (1557)]. 

^^ [This still exists, under the pastorate of the Rev. J. Martin. It 
employs in its services the English Prayer-book, translated into French. 
The disposition of its endowments was recently revised, under the friendly 
supervision of the late Archbishop Tait.J 

3' Strype, Eccles. Memorials, vol. ii. part i. (1547). Cf. Craniner''s 
Memorials, vol. ii. app. 55 to 57. 


Chapter III., p. 64, there was no idea but of "libertines 
and wretches, who are daring enough" to deny the Messiah- 
ship of Jesus, and to call him a deceiver. Two years 
afterwards, Microen writes also to BuUinger, respecting 
" pseudo- evangelical " sectaries, whom he expressly dis- 
tinguishes from the foregoing. The phenomenon is of 
sufficient importance to lead us to quote an extract from his 
letter (14 Aug. 155 1): 

" In addition to the ancient errors respecting pfedobaptism, 
the incarnation of Christ, etc., new ones are rising up every 
day, with which we have to contend. The chief opponents, 
however, of the divinity of Jesus Christ are the Arians, who are 
now beginning to shake our churches with greater violence than 
ever, as they deny the conception of Christ by the Virgin. 

" Their principal arguments may be reduced under three 
heads : The first is respecting the Unity of God, as declared 
throughout all the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testa- 
ments ; and that the doctrine, as well as the name, of the Trinity 
is a novel invention, as not being mentioned in any passage of 

" Their next argument is this : the Scripture, they say, which 
everywhere acknowledges one God, admits and professes that 
this one God is the Father alone (John xvii. 3), who is also 
called the one God by Paul (i Cor. viii. 6). 

" Lastly, they so pervert the passages which seem to establish 
the divinity of Christ, as to say that none of them refer intrin- 
sically to Christ himself, but that he has received all from 
another, namely, from the Father (John v. 19 ; Matt, xxviii. 18) : 
and they say that God cannot receive from God, and that Christ 
was only in this respect superior to any of mankind, that he 
received more gifts from God the Father." ^^ 

We here retrace, in a form more condensed and more 
systematic, many of the objections against the Trinity which 
we saw raised by the Anabaptist Herman van Flekwijk in 

32 Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 265 (Microen to Bullinger). See 
Appendix VIII. 


his curious dialogue with the Inquisitor of Bruges (1569). 
Now, since this appearance of the Unitarians in London is 
eighteen years earUer, and since they allowed paedobaptism,^^ 
it is impossible to assign to the phenomenon an iVnabaptist 
origin. It is more likely that the two Antitrinitarian parties, 
on either side of the North Sea, borrowed their weapons 
from the same arsenal, that is to say, from the Annotations 
on the Neiv Testamejit of the arch-heretic Erasmus. 

Microen does not mention the names of those who com- 
batted with the above arguments the received dogmata of 
the Trinity and the divinity of Jesus Christ. He only says 
that John a Lasco helped him to refute them, and that he 
found in Bullinger's Decadeu'^on this subject "Httle or nothing 
which may be satisfactorily brought against them," and he 
asks the aid of Bullinger's enlightenment. Who could these 
"Arians" have been, who shook the Strangers' Church by 
" denying the conception of Christ by the Virgin"? 

The date of the execution of Georg Van Parris (25 April, 
155 1 ), and the fact that he was a member of the Strangers' 
Church, turn our thoughts to him. He was in truth an able 
physician, conspicuous for his temperate habits, who might, 
by his practical virtues, have suggested to Microen the term 
" pseudo-evangelical," with which he asperses these Anti- 
trinitarians. It is well known that he was tried by a Royal 
Commission, and burned at Smithfield;^* but the fact that 
he attacked psedobaptism is sufficient to exclude him from the 
Neo-Arians or Unitarians who allowed it. 

He was not, however, the only one who shared these 
ideas ; and the stir raised about the name of Michel-Angelo 
Florio, the second pastor of the Italian Church, leads us to 
examine his opinions. We have valuable documents for 
this purpose, consisting of a letter from Calvin to the French 

^' [This seems a somewhat doubtful inference from Microen 's state- 
ment. ] 

•*•* Strype, Cran)ner''s Memorials, vol. i. book ii. (1548). 


Church at London (27 September, 1552), and another from 
k Lasco to BulUnger (7 June, 1553). In these two letters a 
personage is dealt with, who shows himself more Calvinistic 
than Calvin, and who, sheltering himself under the authority 
of the Reformer of Geneva, criticises the liturgical rites and 
formularies of the Strangers' Church, including the title 
" Mother of God" given to the Virgin Mary, and the prayers 
for the Bishop of Rome. A Lasco, on his part, says that 
the disturber, when excluded from the ministry because of a 
scandal against morals, reproached one of his colleagues 
with having said (i) that Adam's sin was not sufficient to 
entail the condemnation of the human race ; (2) that it is 
possible to be saved without having a knowledge of the Lord 
Jesus ; and above all, for having taught (3) a theory of 
predestination differing from that of Calvin. ^^ If we compare 
these allusions with the facts that, four years later, Ochino 
was accused by the churches in the Val Tellina of having 
depreciated the work of Christ, and that Florio, then pastor 
at Soglio, thought it his duty to denounce him to Peter 
Martyr, we shall come to the conclusion that already in 
1552 the allusion was to a discussion between Ochino and 
Florio.^*' But Florio does not seem to have been suspected 
of Antitrinitarian tendencies. There is still Ochino himself. 
Undoubtedly, in his works of this epoch, there are as yet no 
objections brought, even indirectly, against the doctrine of 
the Trinity. But from his whole theory of redemption by 
the grace of God — "who has attached acceptableness to the 
merits of Jesus Christ" — and from his very silence on the 
Trinity dogma, the inference is, that he leaned already 
towards what was afterwards known as the Socinian theory of 
expiation, and of the subordination of Jesus Christ to God 
the Father. If, then, he did not openly fight against the deity 

^^ Calvini Opera, lit sup. , vol. xiv. 1653, 1750. 
'^ Benrath, Ochino, p. 241. 


of Christ and the personality of the Holy Spirit, he at least 
undermined the dogma of the Trinity by his presentation of 

Three months after a Lasco's letter, namely, in September 
1 553) the Strangers' Church was dispersed by the storm of 
the Catholic reaction under Mary Tudor ; a portion of it, 
after having vainly asked asylum from King Christiern of 
Denmark, finished its maritime exodus by returning to 
Emden, its original point of departure.^'' 

The wanderings in exile of the members of the Strangers' 
Church of London lasted five or six years, during which they 
were dispersed along the banks of the Rhine and as far as 
Switzerland, fraternising with the most eminent members of 
the English episcopate, in exile like themselves. It was 
during this period, as we have seen, that the two tendencies 
of the English Church, the Episcopal and the Puritan ten- 
dency, assumed definite shape. As soon as the accession of 
Elizabeth to the throne of England had given courage to 
evangelical Protestants, the Flemings and Dutch once more 
assembled in London, and addressed petitions to the Queen 
for the restitution of the church in Austin Friars, and for 
the confirmation of the charter of Edward VL They were 
already (1559) the most numerous of the foreigners, and 
counted some six or seven hundred families, in various parts 
of England.^^ The year following (1560) the Queen, by 
sign-manual, allowed them once more the use of Austin 

^'^ Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 182 and 240, n. A Lasco embarked 
at Gravesend on 15 Sept. 1553, with 175 members of his flock, resolved 
to follow their pastor. Their vessel entered the port of Elsinore in 
Denmark. The Danish king accorded them a favourable audience, but, 
warped by his chaplain Noviomagus, an ultra-Lutheran, finally declared 
that he would rather harbour Papists than them ; so they were forced to 
re-embark, notwithstanding the inclemency of the season. See J. U ten- 
hove, ut sup. 

^^ Greg. Leti, ut sup., vol. i. 323. 
K 2 


Friars, which she had cleaned and fitted up at her own 
expense, " so as no rite nor use be therein observed contrary 
or derogatory to our laws." In 1567, in consequence of 
complaints of some members of the congregation, the 
privileges of the Strangers' Church were confirmed anew ;^^ 
and, in 1573, an Order in Council gave this valuable authori- 
sation to its governing body : 

" We are not ignorant that, from the beginning of the Christian 
religion, various churches always had various and diverse rites 
and ceremonies ; and yet piety and religion is the same, if prayer 
be truly directed, and to the true God, and impiety and super- 
stition, &c. be absent. We do not despise your rites, nor compel 
you to ours ; and we approve your ceremonies, as fit and con- 
venient for you and your nationality {res publico) whence ye are 
sprung." *'' 

Notwithstanding all these declarations, whether from the 
bishops' jealousy, or from distrust on the part of the Govern- 
ment, which feared the influence of an autonomous body 
politic, the Strangers' Church lost at this time its supreme 
guarantee of independence. It no longer had a Superin- 
tendent of its own, but was subjected to the superintendence 
of the Bishop of London. It is true that, for the moment, 
it had no vexations to fear from this quarter, for the jealous 
Ridley had been succeeded by the liberal and conciliatory 
Grindal, the friend of Peter Martyr and Girolamo Zanchi.*^ 

If the Ecdesia Peregrinoriim lost its caput proprium^ on 
the other hand it was augmented by an additional branch, 
having its own distinct organisation, creed and services, 
the Spanish Church (1560). The refugees from that country 
had, in fact, for more than a year (beginning in 1558) cele- 
brated their worship in a private house, a circumstance 
which gave occasion to vexatious comments, including a 

39 Collier, ut sup., vol. vi. 443. ^^ Thcol. RevicM, Jan. 1876. 

*^ Strype, GrindaPs Life, book i. chap. v. 61 ff. 


suspicion on the part of their Catholic fellow-countrymen 
that they met to conspire against the King of Spain. Ac- 
cordingly their pastor, the learned Cassiodoro de Reyna 
(Reinius), addressed a strongly-argued request to the Bishop 
of London and to the Secretary of State, William Cecil, for 
authority to celebrate their worship in public.*^ His suc- 
cessor was Cipriano de Valera; and, eight years later, in 
1568, we find a certain Antonio de Corro (Corranus) of 
Seville, surnamed Bellerive, formerly pastor at Antwerp, 
head of the Spanish Church in London, stirring up a con- 
troversy. He became divinity reader at the Temple and at 
Oxford; and died canon of St. Paul's, at London, in 1591. 

In 1560 appeared the Confession de Fe Christiana (preface 
dated 4 Jan. 1559, i.e. 1560) of these Spanish Christians 
{hecha por ciertos fieles espafioles). They counted a member- 
ship of about sixty, among whom may be mentioned the 
names of the " sehores," Baron, M. de Questa, Marco de la 
Palma, and, above all, the celebrated Adriano de Sarravia, 
born at Hesdin (Flanders), collaborator with Guy de Brez 
in the Confession of Faith of the Walloon churches in the 
Low Countries, who became professor of theology at Cam- 
bridge, after having been at Leiden, 1597.^^ 

The Italian Church, however, was re-constituted by the 
exertions of Sir William Cecil, in whose house it had long 
assembled. It comprised a select body of jurisconsults, 

■*^ Strype, GrindaVs Life, pp. 69, 71. Cf. Droin, Rtformation en 
Espagne, vol. ii. 156 — 160. [Respecting Cassiodoro de Reyna and his 
tindisgiTised admiration for Servetus, especially the story of his kissing 
one of the books of Servetus, and saying " that he never rightly knew 
God till he had that book, and that Servetus had alone understood the 
mystery of the Trinity," see Tolhn, in the Bulletin Historique et Littcraire 
of the Soc. de I' Hist, du Protestantisme Francais, 15 Sept. 1882; 15 June 
and 15 July, 1883.] 

^^ M'Crie, Reformation in Spain, p. 370. Cf. Brandt, ut sup., art. 


engineers and physicians, among whom must be mentioned 
Giacomo Contio (Acontius), miUtary engineer, and his friend 
Giovanni Battista Castiglione, the Queen's Itahan tutor ; the 
doctors, Andrea, of Rome, and GiuUo Borgarucci, physician 
to the Earl of Leicester; the two Gentih, Alberico and 
Scipione, sons of Matteo Gentile, a physician of Ancona, 
who were jurisconsults of the first class. Girolamo Jerhto had 
succeeded, as minister to the Italians, to Florio, who had 
returned after the death of Mary Tudor, but who had not 
been reinstated by the Bishop of London, on account of 
his irascible and vindictive character.*'* 

Finally, the two sections, Flemish and Walloon, had re- 
turned in greater numbers than before. Instead of two 
ministers a-piece, they now had three. The Walloons had 
as ministers Jean Cousin, Antoine de Ponchell and Pierre 
Chastellain; and the Flemings, Pieter Deloen(son of Wouter), 
Govert Wyngins and Cornells Adriaans or Adriaanszoon van 
Hamstede. We shall see the last-named taking an important 
part in the controversies relating to the humanity of Jesus 

Such was the position of the Strangers' Church in London. 
In the provinces, the Netherlanders formed eleven churches, 
many of which consisted of two branches, the Flemish and 
the Walloon — for example, at Canterbury, Colchester, Maid- 
stone, Sandwich, Southampton, Norwich, &c. The Walloon 
Church in Norwich assembled at first in the chapel adjoining 
the episcopal palace ; afterwards, owing to the bishop's 
illiberality, it had to change to the church of Little St. Mary. 
It was in this Walloon Church at Norwich that the Martineaus, 
those ornaments of English Unitarianism, were nurtured. 
Accordingly, Lord Chancellor Eldon formally stipulated that 

^ M'Crie, Reformation in Spain^ pp. 365 — 368. Cf. Gaiiffe, tit stip., 
p. 92. 

*^ Strype, GrindaVs Life, p. 199. 


it should, for the future, never be let to any sect whatever 
which denied the Trinity.**' 

But no human precaution or barrier can hold its ground 
before the expansion of the human intellect and the search 
for divine truth. Neither the Confession of Faith imposed 
by John a Lasco, nor the vigilant control of Bishop Grindal, 
could prevent the ancient Antitrinitarian controversy from 
being re-opened in the new church. Only, this time, the 
question presented itself in another shape ; it arose out of 
the action of some refugees from the Low Countries who 
had commissioned their countryman Hamstede to present to 
the bishop a petition demanding the free exercise of their 
worship. Grindal, recollecting the case of Van Parris, sur- 
mised them to be Anabaptists, and, as the petition was not 
signed, suspected Hamstede of sharing these ideas. The 
Flemish minister strenuously repudiated having attacked 
paedobaptism or the supernatural conception;'*^ but he dis- 
puted the propriety of refusing to the Anabaptists the title 
of Christian on the ground of their denying these two 
dogmata, " which" said he, " are not funda77iental articles of 
the Christian faith, since they cannot be proved by the Scripture.'^ 
Hamstede declared that direcdy they admitted that Jesus 
Christ died and rose again for the remission of their sins, 
they believed in the true Redeemer. Throughout this dis- 
cussion, Hamstede found a stout supporter in Giacomo 
Contio (Acontius), the most eminent member of the Italian 
Church. Both were cited before the Bishop of London and 
excommunicated (Hamstede in November, 1560, Acontius 
on 29 April, 1561), along with their adherents, who were 
numerous. A year later, 31 July, 1562, Hamstede was 

'^ Greg. Leti, ut sup., vol. i. 325 ff. Cf. TJieol. Review, Jan. 1876, 
Gordon on Hook's Laud. 

*7 [They were not accused of attacking the supernatural conception, 
but of pressing its supernatural character to the extent of denying that 
Christ took flesh of the Virgin.] 


summoned to retract, which he would not do ; Acontius 
also held firmly to his opinion, and went so far as to 
develope, in an admirable book, the idea, essentially Uni- 
tarian, that all dogmata which are not instrumental to eternal 
life must be dropped from the Hst of fundamentals.*^ 

There were, furthermore, two other controversies in the 
Strangers' Church ; that of Justus Velsius from the Hague 
(1563), of Avhich we have spoken in Chapter II. (p. 50, 
note 18) ; and that of Antonio de Corro (Corranus) with Jean 
Cousin and Girolamo Jerlito, on predestination and free-will, 
which is beyond the field of our discussion.*^ The Unitarian 
idea, planted by Ochino and watered by the blood of Georg 
Van Parris, was about to be developed by Acontius, and 
above all by the genius of the Sozzini. 

^ Strjrpe, GrindaVs Life, pp. 64, 66. Cf. app. 52. See Appendix IX. 

49 Ibid. pp. 185 — 187, 217 — 222. Cf. Chr. Sepp. Geschiedkundige 
Nasporingen, vol. iii., Corranus^ dii Belkt-ive, een " moderaet" Theology 
Leyden, 1875. 


Bernardino Ochino, his religious development, and his influence on 
English theology. — Corranus. 

" All will be easy to me in Christ, 
For whom I live and hope to die !" 

A GRAND figure is that of Fra Bernardino Ochino, the 
grandest, perhaps, that had appeared in Italy since Savo- 
narola. He must indeed have been a man of more than 
ordinary gifts of oratory, personal character and intellectual 
power, to have inspired the two-fold testimony of his con- 
temporaries, both Catholic and Protestant. Passing over 
the witness of Aonio Paleario, who might be suspected of 
partiality from his relations of fellow-citizenship and friend- 
ship with Ochino, mark what Cardinal Bembo wrote of him 
to Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescaro, the year when 
he preached his second Lent course at Venice (1539): 
" Ochino is literally adored at Venice. Every one praises 
him to the skies." We have cited above the saying of 
Charles V.^ Mark now the testimony of Calvin : " This 
testimony to the pious and holy man I feel it my duty to 
render, that he may be saved from incurring the slightest 
unmerited suspicion. For he is a man of eminent learning, 
and his manner of life is exemplary." ^ But for the Inquisi- 
tion of 1542, he might have become the Luther of Italy ; as 
it was, Ochino rendered to Switzerland and to England the 

1 Lettere di M. Pietro Bembo: Venezia, 1522; quoted by Benrath, 
p. 18. Cf. M'Crie, Refor7nation in Italy, p. 125. See ante, p. 74. 
^ Calvini Opera, vol. xxxix. 462. 


service which Servetus rendered to France and Italy. He 
compelled Protestant dogmatics to emerge from the Catholic 
formulae in which they were entrenched, and opened the 
way for the free development of a more human Christology, 
and a theodicy (divine poHty) at once more rational and 
appealing more directly to the heart. Ochino, the Italian, 
was to England what Servetus, the Spaniard, had been to 
Italy, the initiator of the Unitarian movement. As we have 
already encountered Ochino at various stages of his career, 
we shall do no more than rapidly mention in order the 
principal episodes of his life.^ 

Born at Siena, the home of St. Catherine, in 1487, four 
years after Luther and twenty-two years before Calvin, 
Bernardino, son of Domenico Tommasini, a resident in the 
cotitrada deWoca, received the surname of Ochino (gosling), 
which in Italian has the same meaning as Hus (goose) in 
Czech. He was ten years old when Girolamo Savonarola 
delivered at Florence his prophetic discourses on the freedom 
of Italy and the reform of the Church ; and if but an echo 
of these, at any rate the noise of Savonarola's catastrophe 
must have reached Siena, situated fifteen leagues from 
Florence, and in constant relations with it. Yet political 
anarchy and the disorders of the Roman Church ran their 
course, scandalised all good men. Such times of public 
calamity evoke the call to a religious life. Like Luther, like 
Savonarola, Ochino, with his ardent temperament and passion 
for divine truth, was soon sick of life in an age when elegance 
of manners and literary distinction served as masks for the 
most shameful vices; and in 1514,^ at the age of twenty- 

' For the details of this biography, we must refer the reader to the 
work by Dr. Benrath of Bonn, entitled, Bernardino von Siena : Leipzig, 
1875. This work, in which the author has made use of inedited and 
previously unknown sources, calls Ochino to life again. Our quotations 
are from Miss Helen Zimmern's English translation, 1876 (portrait). 

* [This conjectural date seems several years too late.] 


seven, he entered the Franciscan convent of the Osservanza, 
near to Siena. What he there sought was the way of gaining 
his own salvation, by efforts of abnegation and humility. 
Having encountered there only pride and sensuality, twenty 
years later he went over (1534 — 1542) to the Order of 
Capuchin Friars, recently founded by Matteo Baschi, a 
Franciscan. Like Luther, Ochino said then to himself, 
" The more I do pious works, the nearer shall I be to 
heaven ;" and still he was ever disquieted by his conscience 
and deceived in his aspirations. Nevertheless, the twenty- 
eight years of his life under the rule of St. Francis were not 
without service to Ochino, and even after his conversion he 
never regretted them. If the conventual life did not lead 
him to the real source of salvation, at least it carefully 
preserved him from the world's temptations ; and it brought 
him into relations with two men, one dead, the other living, 
who exercised a decisive influence over his mind. Duns 
Scotus and Juan de Valdes. 

John Duns, called Scotus (d. 8 Nov. 1308), forms along 
with the mystical Bonaventura and the daring William of 
Ockham, the triad of illustrious theologians of the Order of 
St. Francis. From their works it was, rather than from the 
Bible, that masters and novices drew their spiritual nourish- 
ment. But it appears that our author gave the preference 
to Duns Scotus ; for, as Mr. Gordon puts it, Ochino " threw 
off his Capuchin's garb, but never doffed the Scotist vesture 
of his thought."^ The Doctor Subtilts, by the importance he 
attaches to free-will, to human worth, and to the perfection 
of Christ as man, separated from the rest of humanity through 
his immaculate conception by the Virgin — lastly, by the limit 
he assigns to divine predestination in the prescience of 

5 Theological Jievie7u,]vL\y 'i'&']<j,Y>-'2.()2)- See also A. Gordon's article 
(Oct. 1^16) on Bernardino Tommasini ( Ochino). This article, written 
in review of Dr. Benrath's book, gives some particulars as to English 
translations of Ochino's works. 


human actions, ajDpears as the spiritual father of the author 
of the Prediche. But it is, above all, by his critical and 
analytical method, by his hcccccitates and his qtiidditafes, that 
the scholastic doctor of Oxford has stamped his mark on 
one who, by a curious return journey of ideas, was to become, 
two and a half centuries later, the awakener of theological 
thought in this same England. 

Besides this, the general tendency of the Franciscans, 
whether Cordeliers or Capuchins, was in Ochino's time singu- 
larly evangelical. We have already remarked, while treating 
of the earliest relations between Italy and Switzerland, how 
earnestly the members of this Order sighed for the " bread 
of life" which is in the word of God ; e.g. Baldo Lupetino, 
Beccaria and Benedetto of Locarno, Francesco Lismanini, 
&c.^ This tendency was unquestionably due to the blessed 
task, imposed on them by their founder, of preaching 
repentance and the gospel of forgiveness to the people. Our 
author by no means escaped this influence ; in his mission 
preachings he speedily developed a talent for oratory, all the 
more efficacious with his hearers, as his life accorded with 
his word, and his outward man was but the genuine expres- 
sion of the attitude of his soul. He was never seen to go 
otherwise than on foot, staff in hand, clothed in a woollen 
frock ; he slept on a plank bed, and eat only bread and 
vegetables. His visage pale and wasted, his whitening hair, 
his snowy beard, which descended to his breast, all proclaimed 
him an ascetic, a worthy emulator of St. Benedict ; while 
his gleaming eyes, upturned to heaven, revealed the sacred 
fire which burned in his heart.'' He was at that time the 

^ See Chapter V. p. io6, note 34. 

' See the fine portrait of Ochino prefixed to Dr. Benrath's book. 
[This portrait is in profile, and represents Ochino as a capuchin. For 
a front-face likeness of Ochino as a Protestant minister, see the Paris 
reprint (1878) of the old French version of his Dialogue on Purgatory, 
where also will be found a brief but admirable memoir.] 


most docile, the most humble servant of the Roman Church, 
which he believed infallible ; nay, historians have even made 
him, in error, the confessor of Pope Paolo III. 

And yet this was the man whom Providence destined as 
the herald of the gospel of love and of free inquiry, in Italy, 
and subsequently throughout Europe. Juan de Valdcs was 
the instrument of Ochino's conversion to the evangelical 
doctrines. In 1536, Ochino preached his first Lent course 
at Naples, in S. Giovanni Maggiore. There were in his 
congregation there two men who were amazed at his talent. 
One of these, Charles V., was destined, ten years later, to 
demand his head from the magistrates of Augsburg, as that 
of a man dangerous to the Church. The other, who was 
in the court of the viceroy, Don Pedro de Toledo, was 
destined, on the contrary, to lead him captive to the foot of 
the cross of Jesus Christ. It is easy to imagine the bright- 
ness that was sure to flash from the contact of these two 
choice natures, — Valdes, a tender and chivalrous soul, a hero 
in courage, almost a woman in gentleness, — Ochino, that 
volcanic spirit, ever seething within, and on the verge of 
eruption. Force was taken captive by gentleness : introduced 
to the intimate circle of Valdus, Ochino experienced, in the 
society of women who were as virtuous as they were beautiful 
and learned, the sweetness of those familiar talks, in which 
the one favourite topic was salvation through the love of 
God and the merits of Christ ; he read that golden book of 
the Italian Reformation, entitled Del Bencfizio di Gcsu Crista 
crocefisso,^ and he was transformed. From that time he did 
not cease to speak out as he believed ; each day he asked 
his lay confessor for a subject for his sermon of the morrow ; 
and we find in his Prediche published at Venice, just as in 

8 Written in Sicily by Benedetto of Mantua, a Benedictine monk, and 
edited by Marcantonio Flaminio. 


those subsequently published at Geneva, reminiscences of 
the ex. Considerations of Valdes.^ 

What Valdes wished, was not to reform the Church by 
outward and general measures, but to reform men, the inner 
tribunal: to ecclesiastical forms he attached little importance. 
In this respect he was the direct heir of the reforming mystics 
of the fifteenth century, Thomas \ Kempis, Gansfort, Geiler 
of Keisersberg, and others. Strict Calvinists have not for- 
given him for continuing to frequent the churches, attend 
mass, and take part " with the Papist community, in divers 
idolatries." ^"^ What does this prove but that Valdes had not 
the revolutionary temperament, and that he thought, with 
many of the wise of his time, that it was better to stay in the 
Church with the purpose of transforming it, than to leave it 
in order to fight against it ? 

Ochino followed this example. During the six years that 
he was appointed to preach the Advent courses at Siena and 
Modena, and the Lent courses at Naples and Venice, he 
had the talent, or let us rather say the infinite patience, to 
preach salvation through Christ, while yet putting up with 
the invocation of Saints and of the Virgin, and the thousand 
puerile practices of the Roman cult. However, little by 
little he dropped out of sight the merit of works, the inter- 
vention of saints; he went so far as to say, " Christ has done 
enough for his elect, and has gained Paradise for them.''^^ 
Above all, he insisted on the grace of God towards us, and 

^ Compare Part iv. of the Prediche (Basel, 1555) with the Benefizio, 
capp. i. iv., and with the Considerazioni, i. and xiii. Mark the analogy 
between this mystical influence of Valdes on Ochino and the conversion 
of Tauler by the great " Friend of God" in the Oberland." See Jundt, Aniis de Dieti : Strassburg, 1879, p. 115. 

^^ See Balbani, Vie du Marquis Galcace Caracciolo. (Zi.T>rd\Vi, Rcformc 
en Espagne, vol. ii. 75 — 90. 

■'■' See his letter to Girolamo Muzio of Capo d'Istria. 


the love we owe to Him. Mysticism was the chrysalis in 
which he wrapped his thought until its wings were formed, 
and it had strength to burst freely into the light of day. 
This day arrived when, towards the middle of August, 1542, 
he received from Cardinal Caraffa a summons to appear 
before the tribunal of the Inquisition, just then instituted. 
Three courses now presented themselves to him : to make 
open profession of his evangeHcal faith, and perish like 
Savonarola; to submit himself to the judgment of the Church 
by abjuring his beliefs ; lastly, to flee far from that Italy 
which almost adored him as a divine being, and which 
he, for his part, loved as a mother. We can imagine what 
conflicts must have raged in his soul ; he did not feel himself 
ripe for martyrdom ; had he been pastor of a congregation 
that looked up to him as its spiritual head, he might 
perhaps, as he avowed later on, have thought it his duty to 
give his life as a good shepherd for his sheep. How could 
he possibly abjure, without lying to his conscience, without 
renouncing all he had preached for six years with the applause 
of a whole nation, salvation through Christ alone ? How 
bend the knee before that hierarchy, with whom vows were 
but the mask for ambition and for adultery ? 

He had had interviews with Cardinals Morone and Con- 
tarini, already suspected of Lutheranism ; he had met Peter 
Martyr, his old friend of Naples, himself likewise summoned 
before the chapter of his Order at Genoa. Ochino resolved 
to escape by flight the alternative of death or disgrace, and to 
seek liberty in exile. After having written farewell letters to 
his two noble friends, A'ittoria Colonna and Caterina Cibo, 
and taken leave of the Duchess of Ferrara, Ochino shaped 
his course towards Chiavenna ; passed on to the house of 
BuUinger at Ziirich, where he missed Vermigli by a day ; and 
arrived at Geneva towards the middle of September, 1542.^^ 

^■■^ Calvini Opera, tit sup., vol. xi. 426, Letter from Calvin to Viret. 
Cf. p. 438, Letter from BuUinger to Vadian, already quoted. 


We need not revert to the part filled by Ochino at Geneva 
as first pastor of the Italian Church ; but we must indicate 
in this place the state of his opinions about that time, on 
the two or three points which interest us, — the Trinity, 
Redemption, and the Person of the Redeemer. 

The fruitful idea which dominates his whole theology is, 
that God is Love ; it is through love that He created us in 
His own image, and it is also through love that He resolved 
to save us, at the price of His unique and well-beloved Son. 
This God is unique, eternal, necessary, infinite and immu- 
table. As Father He is uncreate, but He has procreated 
the Son, and has endowed him with all perfections. The 
Father and the Son, by the exertion of their wills, have in 
their turn produced the Holy Spirit, and have endowed him 
also with every perfection. Thus the Father, the Son, the 
Holy Spirit, are one in substance, in person several. ^^ 

As regards redemption, Ochino explains it in accordance 
with Anselm's theory of the " vicarious satisfaction through 
the merits of Jesus Christ;" and admits, with St. Paul, that 
we are justified solely by faith, independently of works. 
Under the influence of Calvin and of Vermigli, he w^ent so 
far as to say that man cannot do the least thing for his own 
salvation. But already we feel that, with him, the primal 
cause of redemption is the infinite love of God for His 
creature, not the satisfaction rendered to His justice ; and 
that the indispensable condition of the realisation of the 
Divine plan is living faith, produced in man by the Holy 
Spirit. 1* Ochino, after the example of the Beneftzw, compares 
the effects of the union of the soul with Jesus to the fruits 
of marriage. But it seems to us that in Ochino's soteriology 
the person of Christ is eclipsed by the Holy Spirit ; it is the 
Spirit that should be the supreme rule of our life ; it is this 

^3 Dialogi Sette, dial, i., analysed by Benrath, p. 75. 

" Prediclie, part i. sermon i, analysed by Benrath, p. 155. 

CHAPTER Vir. 145 

inner voice we must obey rather than men and angels, rather 
than our own wisdom, rather even than the hteral words of 
Jesus. Here we recognise the preponderance of the mys- 
tical principle inherited from Valdes.^^ 

This brief sketch of Ochino's ideas at that time makes 
it intelligible that, when he left Geneva in the middle of 
August, 1545, Calvin furnished him with the certificate of 
orthodoxy to be found in his letters to Pellican and Myco- 
nius. But this complete accord was not to last long. 

During his first visit to Basel, in the latter half of August, 
1545, Ochino met the man whose influence on his mind 
was to counterbalance that of Calvin, and who was to 
become, as translator of his works into Latin, the accomplice 
of his daring flights of criticism. This was Sebastian Castellio. 
The Savoyard schoolmaster had quitted Geneva in the 
previous year, he having been unjustly refused an appoint- 
ment to the pastoral ofiice, to which he was entitled by his 
knowledge of the Scriptures and the purity of his morals. The 
reason was, that he could not subscribe to Calvin's opinion 
in regard to the mystical sense of the book of Canticles, 
and the descent of Jesus Christ into hell. At Basel, Castellio 
made a very wretched living to begin with, by giving private 
lessons and correcting the press ; but his merit having 
become recognised, he was called to the chair of Greek 
Literature in the University, which he filled until his death 
(1562 — Dec. 1563). Translator of the Bible, and eminent 
as a critic, Castellio opposed the opinion of Calvin respect- 
ing predestination and free-will. The purpose of doctrines, 
said he, is to make men better. Those, then, which do not 
contribute to this result, should be discarded as calamitous. 
Such, in his eyes, were the doctrines of the Trinity and of 
predestination. A mind so broad and practical was sure to 
delight Ochino, who was doubtless introduced to him by his 

^^ Predic/u; part ii. sermon 50; Benrath, p. 165. 


countryman, Curione.^^ Ochino was but passing through 
Basel on his way to Strassburg when he again met Peter 
Martyr, and made the acquaintance of Bucer, with whom he 
had already corresponded on the subject of the Eucharistic 

Called to Augsburg through the influence of Xystus Betulej us, 
the learned editor of Lactantius, and placed by the municipal 
council as pastor (Oct. 1545 — ^Jan. 1547) over the Italian 
Church in that city, which had a considerable membership, 
Ochino there married a French lady, whom he had known 
at Geneva, and contracted a close friendship with Francesco 
Stancaro of Mantua, and with his co- presbyter Wolfgang 
Musculus, minister of the German Church. ^^ The sixteen 
months of his stay in Augsburg were not barren of exegetical 
and hortatory works. There it was that he published, for 
example, his Exposition of the Epistle to the Roinans and his 
Sermojis on the Epistle to the Galatians, as well as three 
curious treatises which have only been preserved to us in 
German, viz. a Prayer, in which is contained the whole 
doctrine of salvation, ^^ a Dialogue of the Carnal Reaso?i and 
a Spiritual Christian, and lastly, a brilliant treatise On the 
Hope of a Christian Heart. 

Driven from Augsburg by the victorious Charles V. (23 
January, 1547), Ochino passed through Constanz and Zurich, 
and took refuge at Basel, where he spent the remainder of 
the year, enjoying the society of Castellio and Curione, and 
superintending the printing of the second edition of the first 

■^® Lichtenberger's Encyclopedie, art. Castalion, by Henri Lutteroth, 
Cf. Lecky, td sup., vol. ii. 44 — 49. 

^^ Calvini Opera^ vol. ix. 689, Letter from Bucer to Calvin. 

^* Schelhorn, Ergbtzlichkeitetz, Ulm, 1763, vols. v. and vi., pieces 9, 
10, II and 12. 

^^ [This exists also in Italian, and is printed with the Frediche.'] 


part of the Prcdiche, and the first edition of the second 

Our rapid narrative of this phase of his career proves an 
alibi to the story that Ochino took part in the Vicenza con- 
ferences of 1546, as Christoph Sand pretends in his Biblio- 
theca Antitrinitarioriim. Though he carried ever his beautiful 
Italy in his heart — it was for her he wrote his Prediche, as 
Vergerio his pamphlets — he turned still northward his wan- 
dering steps. The invitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury 
found him at Basel, where Peter Martyr had rejoined him ; 
and on 4 November, 1547, he set out for England, furnished 
with a letter of introduction from Curione to Sir John Cheke, 
the preceptor of Edward VI. ^^ 

Ochino's long residence in London (December 1547 — 
August 1553), to which we shall recur presently, does not 
seem to have produced any appreciable development of his 
thought. While this phase lasted, Ochino took in more 
than he gave out. At least the development of his ideas 
cannot be detected either in his celebrated Tragcedie de- 
dicated to Edward VI., a sort of satirical dialogue between 
Satan and Christ, Bonifacio VIII. and Henry VIII., on the 
grandeur and decadence of the Papacy ; or in the third part 
of his Prediche, which appeared at Basel in 1551. We will 
draw attention, however, to a passage which seems to us to 
possess a Unitarian tint : " Even the soul of Christ, before 
Thou hadst created it, was not in itself worthy of the treasures 
with which Thou, in Thy mere grace, hast endowed it. Thou 
didst not endow Christ thus on account of his virtuous life, 
but it is because Thou hast thus endowed him that he led a 
life holy and worthy Thee. What shall I say more? In 
Christ Thou hast given us all things, even Thyself, and that 

'■'<' Calvini Opera, vol. xl., Letter from Calvin to Musculus (25 April, 
1547); cf. Bemath, p. 1S2. 

^^ Coelii Secundi Curionis Epistolce, lib. ii. 287. 
L 2 


is why I have the assurance that Thou wishest to save 

There is here an evident tendency to subordinate the 
person and work of the Son to the sovereign action of the 
Father. It appears that Ochino took part with VermigH, 
Cranmer and Melanchthon in the compilation of the Prayer 
Book. 2^ But what occupied him more than anything else 
at that time was the question of predestination and free-will, 
to which he had already devoted fourteen of his Prediche. It 
seems that after reading them, the princess Elizabeth, then 
eighteen years of age, wished to confer with him, and asto- 
nished the veteran dialectician by the penetration of her 
thought.^* However, the idea of God's love embracing all 
His creatures, and that of an invisible and universal Church 
welcoming all children of the Spirit, were always prepon- 
derant in Ochino's religious consciousness. Never did he 
sacrifice God's love to His prescience of human sin. 

It is in Switzerland that we shall witness the production 
of the capital development of Ochino's thought. He arrived 
at Geneva, it is said, on the morrow of the execution (27 
Oct. 1553) of Michael Servetus, the first illustrious victim 
of the Unitarian cause, and he did not conceal his disap- 
probation of such a cruelty, a course which rendered him 
unpopular with Calvin's hangers-on. ^^ While here he pub- 
lished his Apologhi, or five satires on the abuses and errors 
of the Popish Synagogue, 1554, dedicated to Sir Richard 
Morison, one of the English gentry who had quitted England 
on the accession of Mary Tudor. Then, after a flying visit 

22 Prediche, part iii. sennon 30; Benrath, p. 211. 

^^ Taine, Histoire de la Liiterahire Anglaise, vol. ii. 316. 

"^^ Preface to the Labyrinths of Ochino, addressed to Queen Elizabeth : 
Basel, 1561. 

^^ Contra libellum Calvijii, in quo ostcndere conatur hcereticos jure 
gladii cocrctiidos esse, 1554. 


to Chiavenna, he returned to his much-loved Basel, where he 
spent 1554 and the spring of 1555, and published the fourth 
part of his Prediche. Note should be taken of the fourth 
sermon in this volume, on the Image of God in Man, which 
presents striking resemblances to the first of the Considerations 
of Valdes, which had just (1550) been pubUshed at Basel by 
Curione, and with the first chapter of the Betiefizio di Gesic 
Crista P-^ 

Ochino was then sixty-eight years old. For fifteen years 
he had travelled over land and sea, driven by armies or by 
revolutions, battered by tempests and by trials ; nevertheless, 
he had succeeded in creating an inner circle of adherents ; 
in London he had left behind him devoted friends, and at 
Basel he had others, in whose society the veteran disputant 
asked nothing more than to spend the remainder of his days 
in peace. God had decided otherwise. The voice which at 
Florence had cried unto him, " Leave thy country and thy 
church to be my witness in the land of the stranger," again 
made itself heard. In June, 1555, he received the visit of 
Dr. Martino Muralto and the young LeHo Sozini, who 
brought him the call to become the pastor of the Locarnese 
exiles at Zurich. 

Whatever his need of repose, Ochino was not long in 
deciding between his own interest and duty ; he accepted 
the summons of the Italians at Ziirich. He did not suspect 
that, a new Servetus, he was about to encounter another 
Calvin.^''' Every one recollects how, after an eight years' 
ministry, the publication of his Thirty Dialogues cost him 
exile at the age of seventy-six, and how, rejected by all 
the churches, he wandered to an out-of-the-way corner of 
Moravia, there to die of hunger and sorrow (about December, 
1 564)- 

^® Compare Benefizio, cap. i. with C outsider azioni, No. i., and Benef, 
cap. iv. with Consid. No. xiii. 

^7 Calvini Opera, vol. xv. 2355 (Ochino to Calvin, 4 Dec. 1555). 


Bernardino Ochino — and this is what constitutes him a 
figure so original — exhibits, in epitome, by the sweep of his 
thought, the whole curve described by Protestant dogmatics 
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. All the ques- 
tions that have since been agitated were revolved in his 
brain ; and he threw out a number of heresies which were 
to be accepted as truths two centuries after his death. We 
may get an idea of this in a detail of the progress made by 
his thought, on the two or three points above referred to, 
between the period of his Prediche at Venice and Geneva 
(1539 — 1545) and the publication at Ziirich of his Dialogue 
on Purgatory (1556), dedicated to Francesco Lismanini 
(ex-Provincial of the Franciscans or Minorites in Poland, 
and converted to the gospel by Ochino), and his Thirty 
Dialogues on the Messiah and the Trinity (1563). 

Ochino's first breach with traditional orthodoxy was on 
the question of Redemption. Christ, he says in his Dialogue 
on Purgatory, made satisfaction for all the elect. Not that 
his work, his life, or his sufferings were in themselves of 
infinite merit, for he owed all to God, absolute obedience 
included — but because God, of His infinite grace and love 
for humanity, determined to confer this expiatory value on 
the work of Christ.^^ 

Here we are very far from Anselm's theory, and much 
nearer to that of Duns Scotus, who had said that " the works 
of Christ have an infinite value, not in themselves, but 
because of mere grace the Father has accepted them for 
such." This strongly resembles also the Socinian doctrine 
of expiation. 

With respect to the person of Christ, it is true that, in his 
Catechism (1561), he expresses himself almost in the terms 

28 Ochino, De Purgatorio Dialogus: Zurich, 1556; translated out of 
Italian into Latin by Taddeo Duno ; and Dialogi XXX. (Dial. vi.). Cf. 
Alex. Schweizer, Die Protcstantischeit Centraldogmen : Ziirich, 1854, 
vol. i. 309. See Appendix X. 



of the Calvinistic dogmatic theology ; and yet he is careful 
to mark the subordination of Jesus to his Father, and to 
insist upon his functions as Priest and Revealer."^ 

It is above all in his T/u'rty Dialogues, dedicated to 
the Earl of Bedford and Prince Mikolaj Radziwill, that he 
furthest advances the line of his batteries against the formulas 
of Trinitarian orthodoxy. The better to veil his attacks, 
he puts them under the form of dialogue ; but the theologians 
of Zurich were not thus to be deceived, and they scented 
the author's heresy in the strength of the arguments placed 
in the mouth of his x\ntitrinitarian interlocutor. This, for 
example, is the way in which, in the nineteenth dialogue, 
the author makes the Spirit of Doubt to speak : " Do you 
believe that the man Jesus Christ is the Son of God?" 
Ochino answers, "Yes; first because, as man, he received 
his existence from God; secondly, because he was conceived 
in a different manner from us; thirdly, because he participates 
in the attributes of God." " But," says Doubt, " the Scrip- 
tures speak of several sons of God." " Christ," responds 
Ochino, " is the only begotten Son, in the sense that he 
alone, of all the elect, is the highest Prophet, Priest and 
King ; that he alone was conceived of the Holy Spirit ; that 
to him alone God has given his Spirit without measure."^*' 
Here we have a Christology which presents singular analogies 
with that of Fausto Sozzini. 

But the following is weightier still. Spiritus (Doubt) 
asks, " How is it possible to conceive the Trinity of hypos- 

23 // Catechisnio, overo Institiitione Christiana^ di M. Bernardino 
Ochino da Siena : Basel, 1561, 8vo, p. 159. 

30 See Bernardini Ochini Senensis Dialogi XXX. : Basel, 1563 ; trans- 
lated into Latin by Castellio (Dialogue xix. De Sanda Trinitate). See 
Appendix X. [Taken with what follows, the passage amounts to this, 
that Ochino holds, with the common Catholic christology, that Christ is 
entitled to the appellation " only begotten Son," in virtue of his humanity 
as well as of his divinity.] 


tases in the Unity of the Divine Being?" "Because," 
responds the author, " these hypostases correspond with the 
three functions of the Divine Life, paternity, sonship and 
spiration; now these three persons are equal and co-eternal." 
" But," objects Doubt, " the idea of Sonship excludes that 
of equality, as the idea of proceeding excludes that of co- 
eternity. Furthermore, Jesus has said, ' The Father is 
greater than I.' Now if it be conceded that the Son is 
identical with the Father, it follows that the Father is greater, 
not only than the Son, but than Himself, which is absurd." 
To this objection the orthodox interlocutor finds no reply. 
He contents himself with saying that the Trinity is a subject 
above our capacity ; and that it is better to adore it in 
silence, without overstepping the limitations which God has 
imposed on His revelation. ^^ 

It will now be easy for us to verify the accuracy of the re- 
mark of Pere Guichard when he says that Bernardino Ochino 
began in England to "preach a refined Arianism, which 
awakened the curiosity of lovers of novelty," and that several 
of his followers were prosecuted.^- How, in fact, could so 
ardent a man, whose thought was like a steam-engine at high 
pressure, and displayed itself at once by word, through the 
press, and in act, how could he do other than wake up the 
most lethargic? Ochino became the first agitator of theolo- 
gical thought, which had been slumbering in England since 
Wiclif and Pecock ; and he had two powerful instruments of 
action at his command, his writings and his disciples. 

Ochino spent six years in England, and, according to the 

^^ Dialogue xix. Cf. Qmrstiojies Ministroriwi Ecclesiarum qua: stinf 
apud Rhaetos (May, 1561), quoted above, Chap. V. pp. 97, 98. 

^^ L. A. Guichard, ut sup., pt. i. chap, xxviii. p. 127. Vaiillas, in his 
Histoire des Heresies, book xvii. p. 66, also says that, during his sojourn 
in London, Ochino secretly promulgated his fancies on the doctrine of 
the Trinity, which cost him the displeasure of the Duke of Somerset, 
Lord Protector. But his testimony is not always to be depended upon. 


testimony of his friends, never had his Hfe been more happy 
and better employed than during that period. " Bernardino," 
writes de Enzina, " employs his whole time in writing, and 
this too with a force and rapidity, as he tells me, beyond 
what he ever did before." ^^ It was in London that he 
composed in Latin that curious Tragcedie, or satire in dialogue 
against the Papacy, which was translated into English by 
" Master John Ponet, Doctor of divinitie," afterwards Bishop 
of Winchester. The printer, John Day, also published 
Certayne Sermojis of Ochino, translated into English ; among 
the rest his fourteen sermons on Predestination, which went 
through several editions.^* Ochino was intimate with all 
the distinguished men of England, Sir Richard Morison, the 
Earl of Bedford, Sir W. Cecil (Lord Burleigh), Cheke, Sir 
Anthony Cooke, Jewel and Sampson. He was soon received 
at court, like John "k Lasco. It was doubtless from the hand 
of Ochino that the pious Edward YI. received the manuscript 
copy of the Be7iefizio di Gesii Crtsio, on which he has left his 
touching epigraph ; and from the same hand he accepted 
the dedication of the Tragmdiey^ 

At the restoration of Protestantism under Elizabeth, press- 
ing overtures were made to Ochino to induce him to resume 
his Canterbury prebend, of which he had been deprived 
through contumacy.^^ He was held in such esteem by the 

^^ Zurich Letters, 3 ser., Letter 173 (Dryander to BuUinger). 

^* Mr. Gordon (see Theol. Rev, Oct. 1876, art. Bernardino Tomma- 
sini) had before him an 8vo vokime, without date, with the following 
title: Sermons of Barnardine Ochyne, concerning the Predestination and 
Election of God, translated by A. C. This translation Mr. Gordon attri- 
butes to Anne, daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke. 

^* A Tragoedie or Dialoge of the vnitiste vsurped J>ri77iacie of the Bishop 
of Rome, and of all the iust abolishing of the same, made by Master Bar- 
nardine Ochine, an Italian, ^ translated out of Latine into Englishe by 
Master fohn Ponet, Doctor of divinitie, &c. : London, 1549. 

•'^ Ziirich Letters, I ser., Letters 16 and 24 (J. Jewel, Bishop of Salis- 
bui-y, to Peter Martyr). 


Virgin Queen, that Thomas Sampson wrote (6 January, 
1560) to Peter Martyr: "His authority, I know, has very 
great weight with the queen. Should he at any time be 
disposed to write to her, to exhort her to persevere with all 
diligence in the cause of Christ, I can most cordially testify, 
what I certainly know to be the fact, and assert most con- 
fidently, that she is indeed a child of God. But she has yet 
great need of such advisers as himself. She is acquainted, 
as you know, with Italian, and also well skilled in Latin and 
Greek. If anything is written in these languages either by 
yourself or Master Bernardine, I am quite of opinion that 
you will not only afford much gratification to her Majesty, 
but perform a most useful service to the Church of En- 
gland." ^^ Ochino was very ill at Ziirich when this letter 
arrived, and we do not know whether he carried out Samp- 
son's wish. But in the following year he dedicated his 
Labyrinths to Queen Elizabeth, and in the Preface he ex- 
presses himself as follows : 

" The question whether or not man has a free-will is one of 
the most difficult, because both the affirmative and the negative 
are open to the most serious objections. Having observed that 
a great many authors, in reflecting on these questions, have only 
lost themselves in the most inextricable difficulties, I have for a 
long time sought a way of escape. God, at length, has granted 
me this favour. And, as I very well remember that your Majesty, 
when I was in England, read some of my treatises on pre- 
destination, and that, when you consulted me on this subject, 
you gave me many proofs of the extent and the penetration of 
your understanding, as well as of your desire to sound the 
mysteries of God, I have concluded that you, before all others, 
ought to gather the fruits of my labour. Such are the reasons 
that have led me to dedicate this work to you."^^ 

^^ Zurich Letters, I ser., Letter 27 (Sampson to Peter Martyr). 

'^ Labyrinthi, Hoc est de Libera aiit servo Arbitrio, de divina Prczno- 
tione, Destinatione, et Libertate Dispidatio. Et quonam pacta sit ex iis 
Labyrinthis exeundum. Basel, 1561, 8vo. 


This royal favour was sure to procure hundreds of readers 
for Ochino in the ranks of the aristocracy and the clergy, and 
it was among these that his first disciples were formed. Fore- 
most in their number must be placed his translators ; for 
to translate is not always to betray, as the Italian proverb 
{fradiittore, traditore) has it; it is often to enrich one's 
country with treasures of foreign literature, as we acclimatise 
beautiful exotics. Moreover, except in the case of paid 
labour, one only translates what one admires, and the work 
of translation still further increases the train of sympathy 
between the author and his interpreter. This was sure to be 
the case with Dr. John Ponet, the translator of the Tragcedie, 
and that sensible young gentlewoman who translated the 
Sermons of Barnardine Ochyjie, concernmg the Predestinatmi 
and Election of God, and piously dedicated them to her 
mother, Lady F.^^ This young gentlewoman was Anne 
Cooke, who became the second wife of Sir Nicholas Bacon, 
and the mother of the great Bacon. Through this channel 
the critical spirit of Ochino was sure to communicate itself 
to the presumed author of the Christian Paradoxes {1645).*'' 

Still more markedly than these interpreters, did two men 
of Latin race, one a Spaniard, the other an Italian, become 
in England the heirs of the humanitarian and latitudinarian 
tendency of Ochino. These were Corranus and Acontius. 

Antonio de Corro (Corranus), called Bellerive, born at 
Seville in 1527, after having for five years ministered in the 
churches at Saintonge, had been excluded from pastoral 
functions by the Synod of Loudun ; and, pursued by the 
hatred of the Spanish Catholics to Antwerp, had been unable 

^^ T}ieol.Rev.Ozt.\%']b. Cf. Benrath, Oc/zm^, p. 208. [Lady F. was 
the translatress' grandmother. Sir Anthony Cooke married Anne, daugh- 
ter of Sir William Fitzwilliam.] 

** [It has been proved by Rev. A. B. Grosart that the real author of 
the C/vistian Paradoxes was Rev. Herbert Palmer.] 


to obtain the magistrates' confirmation of the call he had 
received from the Walloon Church in that city. 

Failing to obtain a pulpit, he at any rate made use of the 
press to propound his ideas, and seized the occasion of the 
appearance of the Confession of Faith of the Lutherans of 
Antwerp, published in December, 1567, by Mattia Flacio 
lUyrico, to write a letter to his Lutheran colleagues, in 
which he exhorted them to concord and moderation in the 
Eucharistic controversy, and invoked the authority of John 
a Lasco. He reached England then, preceded by a repu- 
tation for latitudinarianism as regards confessions of faith. 
He at once announced his arrival to Archbishop Parker, 
sending him two pamphlets, his epistle, afterwards published 
in English (1570), with the title, A Godly Admonition sent to 
the Pastor of the Flemish Church in Antwerp, exhorting them 
to Concord with other Minister's, and a letter published in 
English (1577), with the title, A Supplication to the Kijig of 
Spain, wherein is showed the Sum of Religio?i, &c. They 
were originally published in Latin and French, and Cor- 
ranus told Parker he thought that they would be useful 
reading for his daughters, who were studying the French 
language. Thanks to this high protection, he was accepted 
as the second minister of the Spanish Church in London, 
and filled that charge successfully for the space of two years, 
conciliating the favour of Sir William Cecil and the Earl of 

But in his second year of office (1570), symptoms of 
disagreement appeared between Corranus and his co-pres- 
byter Jerlito, minister of the Italian Church.*^ And when 
a tract by Corranus appeared under the title. Tableau de 
r OEuvre de Dieu (before 1568), printed at Norwich, and dedi- 
cated to the most noble Lady Stafford, he was immediately 

*^ For details of this controversy, see Strype, Life of Grindal, pp. 
1S5 — 187, 217—222. 


denounced in the presbytery common to the two churches, 
ItaUan and Spanish, as tainted with heresy. Very soon 
Jean Cousin, the minister of the French Church, mingled in 
the fray, taking the part of JerUto.'*- Corranus, on his side, 
defended himself tooth and nail ; he wrote seven letters, 
one after the other, to Theodore Beza, who referred the 
whole affair to Bishop Grindal, superintendent of the 
Strangers' Church. He, after an inquiry, suspended Cor- 
ranus from his functions. When Corranus appUed for the 
degree of Doctor of Divinity at the University of Oxford, 
he incurred a strong opposition on the part of his fellow- 
clergymen in the Strangers' Church in London. They 
forwarded to Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Edwin 
Sandys, then Bishop of London, a list of 138 heretical theses 
extracted from the lectures, conversations and works of 
Corranus, setting against them as many orthodox theses.''^ 
However, by favour of his powerful friends, the Spanish ex- 
pastor was appointed reader of theology in Latin at the 
Temple church in London (1571 — 1575), and afterwards at 
Oxford (1575 — -1586). He was Ce?isor Theologicus at Christ 
Church, Oxford (1581 — ^1585), and prebendary of Harleston 
(1586 — 1591) in St. Paul's, London, where he died, 30 
March, 1591. 

What, then, were the charges of heresy on which Corranus 
was incriminated? The first, beyond doubt, was his not 
deferring to the authority of a confession of faith. At Ant- 
werp, the Lutherans had confronted him with their modifica- 
tion of the Augsburg Confession ; and now in London the 
Calvinists reproached him with not putting himself under 
the sanction of Calvin or Theodore Beza. The truth is, the 
author of the Tableau de fCEuvre de Ditu had deemed it 

*' Ziirich Letters, 2 ser., Letter 66 (Bishop Grindal to Theodore Beza 
and others). 

*^ Christiaan Sepp, Polemische en Irenische Theologie: Leyden, 1881. 


suiificient to invoke the authority of the Scriptures. Let us 
see, then, how on this principle he treats the dogma of the 
persons of the Trinity : 

Thesis IV. " Deus est unitas et unicus existit ; et manat ab 
eo solo, nee tamen de alio, quia ea decresceret fieretque minor. 
Ubi sunt duo, fieri potest ut inter ea oriatur discordia." 

Thesis V. " Hoc unum, Deus, vult unum, estque omnibus 
binis contrarium " 

Thesis X. " Omnium in eo (Christo) perfectissimum fuit 
Integra et omnibus numeris absoluta unitio voluntatis, quae sibi 
non arrogavit a quo erat ipse, unum alioqui decessisset uni." 

Thesis XXV. " ^ternus Deus, Jesum ex hoc mundo educens, 
misit Spiritum Suum, habitum, flatum, vim, potentiam et ener- 
giam in corda filiorum suorum regeneratorum." ** 

These articles bear evident signs of an extra- trinitari an 
bias exactly similar to Ochino's Thirty Dialogues and Florio's 
famous questions to the Ziirich ministers. But the sources 
from which all these imbibed their opinions were the Anno- 
tations on the New Testament of Erasmus, and the Biblical 
works of Castellio, Ochino's translator and friend. Here is 
the proof of it : — Corranus, writes William Barlow, son of 

^* ["4. God is a unity, and exists as unique ; and [this unity] flows from 
him alone, and not from any other, because [if so] it would diminish and 
become less. Where there ai^e two things, it may happen that discord 
may arise between them. — 5- This one [word] God means one thing, and 
is opposed to all doubles. — 10. In Christ the most perfect thing of all 
was his entire and absolute union of will, which [will] did not arrogate 
to itself that from which he himself was, the one would otherwise have 
been wanting to the one.- — 25. The everlasting God, when withdrawing 
Jesus from this world, sent into the hearts of His regenerate children His 
own Spirit, a breath, blast, force, potency and energy."] See Theses 
excerptcz ex ledionibus, colloquiis, et maxime e scriptis D. Corrani, in 
Dr. Christiaan Sepp's learned monogi^aph, Polemische eti Irenische Theo- 
logie, Leyden, 1881, pp. 30 ff. [In his Aj-ticles of Faith (1574), Corranus 
explicitly sets forth the Trinity and the Incarnation; in 1576 he sub- 
scribed the Thirty-nine Articles, as a condition of obtaining the degree 
of D.D. at Oxford.] 


the Bishop of that name, in a letter to Josiah Simler, " is a 
great admirer of Castalio, of whose version of the Bible he 
declares this opinion, that he is a very bad translator, for he 
has given anything rather than a literal rendering; but if 
you speak about a paraphrase, then, says he, Castalio excels 
all other interpreters by many leagues. I know also," adds 
Barlow, " that he made earnest enquiry from a person of 
my acquaintance whether or not he had some dialogues on 
the Trinity, by an anonymous individual, printed at Basel, 
but Castalio, he said, is thought to have been the author of 
them ; and he added that he was very anxious to procure 

Giacomo Contio (Acontius) is sure not to have had so 
much trouble in procuring this forbidden book, for an ex- 
pression in a letter from Bishop Jewel to Peter Martyr 
reveals to us the existence of friendly relations between 
him and Ochino. " I would not," says Jewel, " that Master 
Bernardine should suppose that I have forgotten him. My 
influence and exertions have not been wanting . . . The five 
Italian crowns which I received from Master Barthol. Com- 
pagni in his name, I handed over to Acontius. We are 
now exerting ourselves about his canonry, and there is a 
good prospect of obtaining it."^^ 

It may be recollected that Acontius was mixed up in the 
Adriaans van Hamstede controversy, and excommunicated 
on that ground by Bishop Grindal. In the following chapter 
we shall see the decisive part he played in the English Uni- 

*^ Ziirich Letters, 2 ser., Letters loi (Corranus to Bullinger) and 105 
(W. Barlow to J. Simler). [Barlow's letter, above quoted, bears date 
25 Jan. 1575. The Thirty Dialogues of Ochino were not anonymous, 
and had made a noise over Europe eleven years before. It may well be 
that de Corro had not seen them ; but it is strange that he should be 
ignorant of their authorship, if he had heard of them at all. Possibly 
the reference is to some other book.] 

"^ Ziirich Letters, I ser., Letters 16 and 24. . 


tarian movement. We have now to sum up the account of 
Ochino's influence exerted in this direction. 

The leading idea of Ochino's theology is that God is Love. 
His grace does all ; man has but to surrender himself with 
confidence to the Spirit of God, which acts and speaks in 
him. This inner voice of the Spirit (Dei sermo interior) is 
superior even to the written word of the gospel. Starting 
from this position, and pursuing the method of Duns Scotus, 
Ochino maintains that the work of Christ has an infinite 
value for the expiation of our sins, not in itself, but because 
God has endowed it with this virtue and accepted it in this 
light. Lastly, in his Thirty Dialogues, Ochino betrays the 
secret doubts in his own soul which were shaking faith in 
the received doctrines of the Trinity and the Deity of Jesus 
Christ ; and concludes that the best thing to do is to 
prostrate one's self in silence before this mystery, and not 
seek on this subject to be wiser than the Scripture. On the 
whole, he did not directly attack the doctrine of the Trinity, 
and yet no one after Servetus dealt stouter blows against that 
doctrine. By his Scotist theory of redemption, he opened 
the way for the Socinian Christology; and through his dis- 
ciples, Acontius and Corranus, he bequeathed to English 
Unitarianism these two great ideas, the Divine Love which 
respects human liberty, even in a rebellious child, and the 
Universal Church, towering above all the particular churches, 
each with its own ambition of infallibility. 


Acontius, his philosophical and religious ideas, and his influence on 
English theology. 

"Ab omni autem Christiano congressu 
prorsus abesse vincendi studium oportet ; 
unus enim sit scopus, ut vincat Veritas." 
Siratagemata, ii. 

Who, then, was this ItaHan whom we have twice noticed 
in connection with the Ecdesia Peregrino7'um ; first as a 
friend of "Master Bernardine" and Bishop Jewel (1559), 
and two years afterwards (1561) as implicated in the con- 
troversy about Adriaans van Hamstede, one of the Flemish 
pastors ? M'Crie places him at the head of the list of notables 
of the Italian Church in London, together with Giambattista 
Castiglione, one of Queen EUzabeth's gentlemen of the Privy 
Chamber; and we know from another source that he received 
a pension from that princess in his quality of military 
engineer.^ To him, in fact, is generally attributed one of 
the first treatises on fortifications, which appeared at Geneva 
under the title A/s Muniendonim Oppidorum (1585). As, 
moreover, he published a book entitled Siratagemata Satance, 
it looks at first as though we had to do with a soldier or a 
diplomatist. But the illusion is of no long duration. In 
reading his works, taking care not to neglect the prefaces, 
we are soon convinced that we are in the presence of a man 

^ M'Crie, Reformatio7i in Spain, p. 366. The real name of Acontius, 
as given in Francesco Betti's letter to the Marquis of Pescaro, and in 
Pietro Bizarri's History of Huns^ary, was Giacomo Contio. 



of eminence in almost every department ; at once engineer 
and theologian, philosopher and lawyer, mathematician and 
poet. We shall briefly sketch his biography, from the 
materials supplied by the prefaces to his books, which are 
the most important documents, and by the clear and accurate 
article which M. Charles Waddington has devoted to him 
in the second edition of the Didionnaire des Sciences Philo- 

A dark veil conceals the dates of his birth and of his death. 
All we know is, that he was born at Trienta (Trent) and died 
in London. It may be concluded from his letter to Francesco 
Betti (1558) that he was his contemporary; and, from his 
letter to Johann Wolff (20 November, 1562), that by this 
last date he had passed the meridian of his life, that is to 
say, his fortieth year.'^ He had spent long years in studying 
the works of Bartolo and Baldo (de Ubaldis), jurisconsults 
who were then authorities in the law schools, but had little 
esteem for "men of that sort" {ejus faririce), as he calls 
them.^ He seems to have had more taste for Aristotle, 
Plato and Archimedes, for we find in his works numerous 
references to their principles. Taken into the service of 
the Marquis of Pescaro,^ one of the members of that 
d'Avalos family which has given such great generals to 
Spain, he there doubtless learned the military art, especially 
that branch of it which relates to sieges, and spent several 
years at the court of the Spanish viceroy at Milan. Here 
he made the acquaintance of Francesco Betti, a Roman 

^ Compare also these words from lib. vii. p. 311 (edition of 1610), of 
the Stratageviata : ^^ Quid nostra accidit cetate? Sunt Jam anni plus 
minus quadraginta septem, quum ccepit Lutherus contra Romanam eccle- 
siam docere." From these various indications we draw the inference that 
Giacomo Contio was born at Trent somewhere about the year 1520. 

^ Letter to J. Wolff, in the 1610 edition of the Stratagemaia [also in 
the 1565 duodecimo and the 1653 edition], dated London, 20 Nov. 1562. 

* [He was the husband of Vittoria Colonna.] 


knight, son of one of the Marquis's stewards. To use his 
own words, " The laborious and anxious employments in 
which we have long been engaged together, the similarity 
of our studies and inclinations, and, what is above all, our 
identity of sentiment in religion," gave rise to " such an inti- 
mate friendship" between them, that, when residence in Italy 
became intolerable for Protestants, even secret ones, they 
together made up their minds to go into exile.^ 

Betti was the first to set out, and went to Basel. Two 
months afterwards (in the middle of October, 1557), he was 
rejoined by Acontius, and they both sought refuge at Zurich, 
where they were received with open arms in Ochino's house. 

The Italian Church at Ziirich was then at the height of 
its prosperity. Peter Martyr, who had succeeded Pellican 
in the chair of Hebrew, and who was received by the 
Locarnese community " as a second father," was the means 
of drawing them into close relations with the University.** 
Acontius, with his ardour for work and his modest and 
conciliatory character, speedily made friends with Josias 
Simler, Johann Frisius (Friese), and above all Johann Wolff 
who had been put into the place of Bibliander when the 
latter was pensioned off {emeritus) on the ground of his 
anti-Calvinistic opinions on predestination.'^ On the other 
hand, he also became acquainted with Lelio Sozini, the 
young magician who had succeeded in disarming Calvin 
himself.^ As for Betti, who was perhaps a younger man, he 

^ See the letter to Francesco Betti, serving as preface to the Methodus 
sive recta investigaiidaru?n tradendariimque Artiuni ac Scientiarum ratio: 
Basel, 1558 (title as reprinted, 1658). 

^ Benrath, Ochino, pp. 271 ff. 

^ This T- Wolff was pastor of the Fraumiinster at Zurich, and was a 
distinguished Hebraist and theologian ; we meet him again in corre- 
spondence with Lelio Sozini, and with the English exiles. 

* [This seems barely possible; Lelio Sozini left Ziirich 4 Nov. 1557, 
and did not return till August, 1559. See below, p. 174.] 

M 2 


attached himself more to Fausto, the nephew of LeUo.-' At 
this period Acontius gave proof at once of great maturity 
of intellect and remarkable originality by publishing his 
essay on Method^ dedicated to Francesco Betti. The printing 
of this book at Basel, by Peter Perna, took him often to 
that city, where he was certainly introduced to Curione, to 
Silvestro Telio, and to the elite of the Italian society. 

From Basel Acontius proceeded to Strassburg, where he 
met with a knot of Italian Protestants, Zanchi, Odone, 
Massario and others, and also with a group of English exiles, 
Grindal, Jewel, Sampson, &c.^*' 

When these latter returned home on the accession of 
Elizabeth, Acontius accompanied them, or at any rate he 
followed them very shortly, for we have discovered his pre- 
sence in London in November, 1559.^^ 

He must have been furnished with letters of recom- 
mendation from Ochino to powerful personages, for he was 
soon presented to the Queen, and obtained from her a 
pension as engineer. 

Acontius had not merely material, but also religious wants. 
He assiduously frequented the Italian services, and took 
interest in all that passed in the Strangers' Church. We 
have seen him advocating, in the van Hamstede controversy, 
the cause of tolerance towards the Anabaptists, and excom- 
municated on this account by Bishop Grindal.^- This did 
not prevent Queen Elizabeth, who took a broader view of 
things, from continuing her favour to Acontius, or from 
accepting the dedication of his Stratagemata Satance. Acon- 
tius was a man as modest as he was industrious, as pious as 

^ [Not at Zurich ; they were warm friends already, but F. Sozzini had 
not yet left Italy. They renewed their intercourse at Basel in 1575.] 
^^ M'Crie, Reformation in Italy, pp. 448 ff. 
" Ziirich Letters, i ser., Letters 16 and 24. 
12 Chap. VI. p. 135. 


he was learned. He enjoyed the general esteem of the 
Italian Church, and kept up a correspondence with the 
learned men of Europe, including the French philosopher, 
Ramus. '^ 

He had finished several poems and treatises — one, for 
example, on Dialectics — when he was interrupted without 
being surprised by death (about 1570). He bequeathed his 
papers — all his fortune — to his friend Giovanni Battista 
Castiglione, gentleman-in-waiting to her Majesty, who, shortly 
afterwards, published his Essortazione al timer di Dio, 
together with some poetical pieces (doubtless hymns), as a 
kind of religious bequest, and an irrefragable testimony to 
his evangelical piety. ^^ Among his admirers, especially the 
Arminians, Acontius left the reputation of " a divine light 
of prudence and moderation ;" and even his opponents, 
applying to him a judgment passed on Origen, said of his 
works, " Ubi bene, nemo melius ; ubi male^ nemo pejiis."^'^ 
There were two individualities in Acontius, the philosopher 
and the theologian : but differing in this respect from Pom- 
ponazzi, from Bacon, and even from Descartes, who placed 
the things of Reason and of Faith in two distinct spheres, 
one w^here everything is submitted to the free investigations 
of the human mind, the other, where there is nothing for it 

^'^ .See letter from Ramus to Acontius, 15 Dec. 1565. Professor C. 
Waddington has proved that he could not have been dead in 1566, as 
most of the biographers say, since Ramus addresses him in 1567, at 
p. 59 of his Proxmium Mathematicuni. [There seems no real proof 
that Ramus knew him. Jo. Ja. Grasser, who visited Oxford and London 
in 1606, was told that Acontius died shortly after the issue of the Strata- 
gt/nata in 1565. If so, the letter of Ramus never reached him, and he 
may not have heard of his death ; it is plain from his letter to Dee that 
his knowledge of English affairs was of the slightest.] 

1* See article on Acontius in Birch and Lockman's English translation 
of Bayle's Dictionary: London, 1734. 

^5 Hallam, History of LiL-ratun; vol. iii. 75. Cf. Episcopii Opera, 
vol. i. 301 (1665 edition). 


but to bow before the dogmata proclaimed by the Church — 
Acontius never separated what God has joined ; he made 
use of one and the same method, namely, the analytic, for 
arriving at the solution both of scientific and of ecclesiastical 
problems. If we add that this method was novel in his 
time, that it preceded Bacon's Novum Orgatw?i by sixt}- 
years, and the Method of Descartes by seventy-five, the 
reader will form his own judgment of the profound intuition 
of our Italian Protestant. 

The philosophical ideas of Acontius were propounded in 
three works : ( i ) De Methodo, hoc est de Recta Investiganda- 
rtim Tradendarumque Scientiarum Ratione (Basel, 1558); (2) 
Epistola de Ratione Edendorum Ltbromm, addressed to J- 
Wolff (first printed, 1610); (3) a treatise, Be Dialectica, which 
remained unfinished in manuscript, and was neverpublished.^'' 

By method, Acontius means the right way of studying 
and teaching the sciences ; and on this ground it forms a 
part of logic. Now, the first condition of arriving at the 
knowledge of truth is the possession of a right intelligence, 
that is to say, the faculty of discerning the true from the 

Here Acontius is not an optimist like Descartes; he does 
not admit that " good sense is the most generally distributed 
possession in the world ;" and he recommends us to make sure 
of the rightness of our judgment, by comparing our spon- 
taneous opinions with the judgment of the wisest men 
(siunmonofi hominmu). As regards the origin of his method, 
he, like Descartes, confesses that he has borrowed it from 
the mathematicians, who, by their rigorous deductions, attain 
certain and incontestable results. He would have us, above 
everything, keep a firm hold of a small number of funda- 
mental points, and define things in clear terms, exact and 
concise, in order that they may be precisely distinguished 

'" Letter to J. Wolff (printed at the end of the Strafagevmta.) 


from everything else : Pauca conafe, sed ut perfictas. Ad 
nimis midta, si sapis, animiim 71071 adjicies. Here we have, 
if not the formula, at any rate the spirit, of the first rule of 
the Method oi Descartes.^'' Acontius does not trouble himself 
with the vast multitude of philosophical axioms, or of theo- 
logical dogmata ; he will admit as true only that small 
number of verities which shall appear to him to be in con- 
formity with reason and Scripture. 

After having laid this foundation, he distinguishes between 
the two branches of method, that which relates to the search 
for truth, and that which consists in propounding truth ; 
and he gives, at the outset, the rules which are common 
to both. According to Acontius, these rules are: (i) To 
investigate, in the first place, the more familiar things, in 
order to pass from the better known to the less known 
(compare Descartes' third rule). ^^ (2) To begin with 
singulars, or things less common, in order to advance from 
them to things more universal (for example, from the indi- 
vidual to the species, from the species to the genus), and 
thus to mount from effects to causes in a nearer and nearer 
approach. ^^ (3) Once having learned the genus to which a 
thing belongs, to proceed by dividing everything into its 
parts, that is to say, genus into its several species, species 
into its families (compare Descartes' second rule).^'* (4) To 
observe such an order in these divisions and sub-divisions, 
that no one of the parts constitutes more than half the 

^' See Descartes, Discoiirs de la Methode, edit. Vapereau, p. 19. "Au 
lieu de ce grand nombre de preceptes dont la logique est composee, je 
crus que j'aurais assez des quatre suivants, pourvu que je prisse la ferme 
resolution de ne manquer pas une seule fois de les observer." ["In 
place of the large number of rules of which logic is made up, I think I 
should do very well with the four following, provided I took a firm 
resolve never once to neglect observing them."] Cf. Letter to Wolff", 
p. 409. 

^* De Metkodo, p. 40, ed. Basel, 1559. 

^» Ibid. pp. 48, 49. 2» Ibid. pp. 50—56. 


whole ; and that no part is omitted (compare Descartes' 
fourth rule).-^ 

Comparing these precepts with the four rules of Descartes 
(1637), we are struck with the analogy, not only of ideas, 
but even of expressions ; and knowing, as we do, that the 
X.x&'sAviQ. De Methodo of Acontius (1558) was reprinted several 
times in Switzerland and in Holland, we cannot discard the 
idea that Descartes had some knowledge of the essay of 
his precursor. Moreover, this resemblance has not escaped 
the notice of Descartes' disciples. Hulner, a learned Dutch 
Cartesian, wrote to Pere Mersenne (19 August, 1641) on the 
occasion of the publication of Descartes' Meditations, that 
" he approved the preference given by the author to the 
analytic method over the synthetic ; that up to that time he 
had met with nothing similar, except in the little book on 
Method by Acontius, who, in addition to that excellent essay, 
had also given a fine example of the analytic method in his 
Stratagemata Satance, a work worthy to be read by all lovers 
of peace in the Church."^^ 

This leads us to the consideration of Acontius as a theo- 
logian, the sequel to our examination of him as a philosopher. 
What strikes us above everything is the religious character 
of this Italian, who had sacrificed a considerable position in 
his own country in order to obey his conscience. He paints 
his own picture, when, in his letter to Wolff, he says that we 
must write, not for vain renown, but for the public utility 
and for the glory of God ; and that with the help of God, 
sought in prayer, all things may be attempted. ^^ 

Unhappily, the work in which Acontius revealed the 
innermost sentiments of his piety, his Essortaziojie al timor 
di Dio, has not come down to us. We can judge of its 

^1 De Methodo, p. 99. 

22 A. Baillet, Vic de Descartes : Paris, 1691, vol. ii. 138. 

'^^ Letter to Wolff, p. 407. 


spirit only from his Stratageinata Satancc, and a letter which 
has lost its address, designed to refute certain objections 
which a friend (doubdess Francesco Betti) had forwarded to 
him concerning that work.''^ The Siratagemata is a kind of 
eirenicon, dealing with the variations of doctrine and morals 
in the Christian Church, and the means of remedying them. 

The form which Acontius gives to his meditations is very 
original and poetic. Like the author of the Apocalypse, he 
represents the world as the scene of the conflict between 
the kingdom of light, ruled by Christ, and the kingdom of 
darkness, governed by Satan. Just as the aim of Satan is 
man's death, so the aim and end of Christian doctrine is 
eternal life.'^^ 

This first principle, once settled, serves him as a criterion 
to distinguish sterile controversies from profitable questions : 
all that avails to attain this end is profitable to be known ; 
whatever does not, is injurious and to be avoided. What 
we have to seek, in profitable discussions, is not the vain 
delight of a personal success, but solely the triumph of 

It is on the strength of this same principle (drawn from 
St. John xvii. 3) that Acontius discriminates between the 
articles of faith which are necessary to salvation, and those 
which may be abandoned to controversy without risking the 
Church's weal.-' 

This sorting out of essential truths leads the author to 
examine the question of Confessions of Faith. Acontius is 
much struck with the reproach, which the Catholics cast 

^* This letter, whose heading has been mutilated by time, was found 
and published for the first time by Thomas Crenius, in his Aniniadver- 
siones Philologicce et Historicce, Leyden, 1697, 3 vols. 8vo, vol. i. part ii. 
pp. 30—131. 

-^ Cf. the argument of Milton's Paradis£ Lost. 

28 Stratagemata, book i. pp. 38 — 40. -'' Ibid, book iii, p. 108. 


against Protestants, of having almost as many confessions as 
they have cities or particular sects ; and he avows that the 
tendency of these formularies is to place the authority of 
human words above that of the Word of God. Nothing, in 
his opinion, would be of greater service to the Reformed 
churches, than to abolish all these confessions, with a view to 
replace them by a single creed.-^ He asks himself whether 
the so-called Apostles' Creed would attain this end, by its 
simplicity and its conciseness ; but, having shown that on 
the cardinal question of justification its language is inade- 
quate, and that it makes no mention of Baptism or of the 
Lord's Supper, he expresses the wish that pious men may 
compose a Confession of Faith which may satisfy all the 
churches. For himself, he is too modest to put forward a 
model, -^ but we gather from his book and from his letters 
that he only admitted as indispensable the four or five 
points following: i. God the Father is the only true God. 
2. Jesus Christ is truly the Son of God, and the only 
Mediator. 3. Salvation is obtained of free grace through 
faith. 4 and 5. Baptism and the Lord's Supper are thp 
necessary sacraments, for admission into the Church, and 
the reception of eternal life. 

As regards the other dogmata, which, on his principle, it 
is not necessary to know, Acontius does not enumerate 

-^ Stratag. book vii. pp. 331, 332. See Appendix XII. 

^^ The editor of the third edition of the Stratagetnata, Johann Jakob 
Grasser, of Basel, was less modest, and has set forth, as coming from 
Acontius, a logical series of essential truths, as well as a Confession of 
Faith, in longer and shorter alternative forms. Comparing the 1610 
edition with the two editions of 1565, the only ones published during the 
author's lifetime, it is probable that the entire contents of pp. 109 — 132, 
and 334 — 344, are interpolations. [If this were so, the enumeration of 
the five necessary points could no longer be attributed to Acontius, for it 
belongs to the second of these passages. But the truth is that both 
these sections appear in the duodecimo of 1565, and also in the French 
version of 1565, Le Ruzes de Safan.] 


tliem ; but in his last letter to Betti he mentions that of the 
Trinity as having given rise to irritating controversies, and 
as having led Sabellius to slight one of the fundamental 
truths of Christianity. " One thing only is required of us," 
he says, " namely, that we believe in Christ as the Son of 
God ; that is to say, not that, in thinking or speaking about 
him, we make use of this term, but that we admit the notion 
which it contains. Now, the notion of a Son can only apply 
to one who has really a Father, different from himself. 
Sabellius, therefore, in identifying the Son with the Father, 
destroys the notion that Jesus is the true Son of God ; and 
so puts himself outside the beliefs essential to salvation." -^'^ 

If we compare this declaration with the language of Strype, 
who, in his Life of Gn'tidal, relates that Acontius was ex- 
communicated, along with van Hamstede, by the Bishop of 
London, for having denied that Christ's taking flesh of the 
Virgin Mary was a fundamental article of faith \^^ if, espe- 
cially, we compare it with the letter which he wrote (1562) 
to Bishop Grindal, claiming to be again allowed to com- 
municate in the French Church, we shall infer from tliis 
comparison that our engineer was a Unitarian of the first 
rank. Van Hamstede retracted a year afterwards ; Acontius 
maintained his affirmation of the five points, conformable 
to Scripture and alone necessary for salvation ; and, more 
fortunate than Servetus and Ochino in his opposition to the 
Trinity, he died in favour with the Queen, and in the faith 
of the Son of the only God. 

Acontius did not wholly die ; and it is not without mean- 
ing that Francis Cheynell, the ardent defender of the Trinity, 
attests that in 16 13 he still lived. For his mind and his 

^^ Crenius, Animadversiones, ut sup. (Letter, without address, of 
7 June, 1566). [Also, almost verbatim, in the Stratagemata, bk. iii.] 

^^ Strype's Grindal, pp. 66 ff. See letter of Acontius among MSS. 
of the Dutch Church (.Ser. 1. pp. 149 — 153) in the Guildhall Library 
[printed in Gerdes' Scrinium Antiqvariiini, vii. i. 123]. 


method exercised an influence which extended beyond the 
limits of his hfe and the boundaries of England. While he 
was yet living, the learned Ramus had paid homage to his 
mathematical power in a letter dated 15 December, 1565 ;^- 
and after him Hulner, in his letter on the Meditations of 
Descartes, and John Amos of Komni? (Comenius), in the 
Preface to his Idea vel Epitome Philosophice Naturalis, speak 
the praises of his method for the study of philosophy. 

With the Arminians, the Stratagemata was one of their 
great authorities, as we have seen in the above phrase of 
Arminius ; and Episcopius declares that he refrains from 
citing the testimonies in favour of Acontius, because all the 
Arminian books draw their inspiration from him.^^ 

But it is especially in England that it is important for us 
to pursue traces of the ideas of Acontius. We already know, 
from Strype, that he counted numerous admirers in the 
bosom of the Strangers' Church. These contested the law- 
fulness of the excommunication with which, together with his 
friend the Flemish pastor, he had been smitten; and several 
of them, having refused to retract, were excommunicated 
in their turn.^* After his death, his friend Castighone and, 
without any doubt, the Spanish pastor Antonio de Corro 
(Corranus), whose moderate and biblical ideas we have 
already shown, kept up among the Protestant refugees in 
London the eirenic and extra-trinitarian tendency of the 
author of the Stratagemata. 

But his real representatives were his books. His Strata- 
gemata went through, to our knowledge, five editions in 
Ladn before 1660 ; the first two at Basel, printed by Pietro 
Perna, 1565, one in octavo, the other in duodecimo; the 
third in 16 10 (edited by Crasser) ; the fourth appeared at 
Oxford in 1631, and the fifth at Amsterdam, 1652. ^^ 

=*"^ See Appendix XI. =^^ Episcopii Opera,vd\.. i. 301. '^* Strype, utsnp. 
33 ("There was a sixth at Neomagus (probably Speyer), 1661, a seventh 
at Amsterdam, 1674.] 


In March, 1648, there was sitting in the Jerusalem 
chamber at Westminster a large Assembly of English eccle- 
siastics, composed of Presbyterians, Episcopalians and 
Independents, and busied in endeavouring to discover a 
compromise between their several systems of church govern- 
ment, when, one day, the above-mentioned Cheynell laid 
on the table a book which he denounced as containing 
pestilent heresy. This was the English translation of the 
first four books of the Stratagemata^ dedicated to the Lords 
and Commons, without the name of the translator (John 
Goodwin), but with a letter from John Durie to Samuel 
Hartlib, recommending the work.'^'' Durie, as it happened, 
was a member of the Assembly ; he was questioned, stam- 
mered out vague explanations, and then declared his willing- 
ness to make a public retractation of his letter. 

The Westminster Assembly appointed a committee to 
examine the work of Acontius, and Cheynell, deputed to 
draw up the report, came to the conclusion that the author 
should be condemned as a heretic and the book prohibited : 
" I. Because in the Creed which Acontius framed there is 
no mention made either of the Godhead of Jesus Christ, or 
of the Godhead of the Holy Ghost. 2. Although Acontius 
doth acknowledge Jesus Christ to be truly the Son of God, 
yet he doth not in his Creed declare him to be the natural 
Son of God." ^^ 

^ {Satan^s Stratagems ; or the DevWs Cabinet- Cotmcel discovered, 
4to, 1648, with portrait headed, "James Acontius a Reuerend Diuine.' 
Part of the impression was re-issued, 165 1, with the title, Darkness 
Discovered ; or the Devil^s secret Stratagems laid open. It is a poor 
translation, but Acontius is not a very smooth writer ; he did not, 
like Ochino, get his works rendered out of Italian by a classic pen. 
Goodwin was an Arminian Independent, a zealous republican and regi- 
cide. Durie (Dureeus), a Scottish divine, once minister of Leith, spent 
his life in unwearied endeavours to bring about a reconciliation between 
the Lutheran and Calvinist Churches, and died abroad. The Unitarians 
of Transylvania were among the fewwho looked favourably on his scheme.] 

^^ Wallace, ut sup., vol. i. 108— 1 10. 


This judgment was ratified by the Assembly, who had 
the Stratagems of Acontius suppressed, as if they were in 
very deed artifices of Satan.^^ 

It was in vain to condemn the memory of Master Acontius ; 
his ideas could not be prevented from having their course, 
and even their conquests, among enlightened minds, who 
felt the need of a common ground of reconciliation. Hales 
and ChiUingworth, the heads of the Latitudinarian party, 
borrowed the method of Acontius, in order to reduce the 
truths of the Christian religion to a small number ; and the 
finest pages of Milton's Areopagitica were inspired by the 
Stratagemata Satance. 

The heresies for which the Calvinistic writers censured 
Acontius may be summed up under three heads — indif- 
ferentism, Socinianism, and liberalism.^'-* So far as the first 
is concerned, it does not appear to us to be well founded. 
The man who, in the maturity of his age and the zenith of 
his career, condemned himself to a voluntary exile in order 
to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience, — 
the refugee who did not fear to expose himself to excom- 
munication for having pleaded the cause of tolerance in 
the case of poor Anabaptist immigrants,— lastly, the author of 
those fine pages of the Stratagemata, whose only aim is the 
glory of God, peace on the earth, and the union of the 
Protestant churches — this man was no indififerentist. 

Is the second reproach better founded? To judge of 
this, no more is needed than a comparison of dates and 
places. Acontius left Switzerland in 1558, at the moment 
when Lelio Sozini was taking his great journey through 
Germany and Poland ; and he does not appear to have had 

^'^ [The Assembly requested Cheynell to publish his views on the sub- 
ject, but it does not appear that Contio's book was suppressed. The re- 
issue of unsold copies in 165 1 proves the contrary.] 

^® Struve, Obse]'vatio7ies Seleda ad rem literariani spectantes, Halle 
and Magdeburg, 1702, vol. vi. obs. 25. 


any direct relations with Lelio, who died in 1562. And as 
regards Fausto Sozzini, the inheritor of his uncle's ideas, he 
did not leave the court of Florence until 1574 or 1575, and 
did not publish the first book bearing his name, the De 
yesH Christo Servaiore, until 1594, thirty years after the 
death of Acontius.'*'^ If, therefore, there are ideas in common 
between Acontius and the Sozzini, the priority belongs to 
Queen Elizabeth's engineer. Now, the merest comparison 
of the two systems proves that they started from the same 
principle, namely, that the aim and end of the Christian 
religion is eternal life ; and that they followed the same 
method, namely, to accept as essential truth only that which 
is in conformity with Scripture, and is instrumental in pro- 
curing this divine life. Both maintained the absolute pre- 
eminence of God the Father; the moral, not the " essential," 
filiation of Jesus Christ ; and the subordination of the Holy 
Spirit to the Father. Only Acontius, in denying the funda- 
mental importance of the dogma of the miraculous birth, ■^^ 
lays more stress on the real humanity of Christ ; while 
Fausto Sozzini, by admitting that birth and rendering divine 
honours to Jesus, makes Christ a creature between heaven 
and earth. 

Lastly, Acontius has been reproached with having cherished 
ideas too lofty and too liberal for his time. This reproach 
we adopt as his title of glory. Yes, Acontius was of that 
class of minds so rare in the sixteenth century, who, without 
abandoning the foundation of inspired Scripture, protested, 
in the name of the very spirit of the gospel, against the 
inconsistencies of Calvinism and of Lutheranism, and the 

■** [This is true ; but the pseudonyms of F. Sozzini were very transpa- 
rent ; he began to pubhsh in 1562; and, through Betti (who sent for 
F. Pucci out of England in 1577, for the express purpose of being con- 
verted by Sozzini), Acontius must have become acquainted with Sozzini's 

■*! [But see ante, p. 135.] 


use of the secular arm against heretics. Acontius is the 
worthy compeer of CasteUio and Koornhert, of Curione and 
Mino Celsi and well merited the laudatory judgment which 
Hallam has passed upon him as one of those highly gifted 
Italians who fled for religion to a Protestant country : 

" Without openly assailing the authority of Aristotle, he 
endeavoured to frame a new discipline of the faculties for the 
discovery of truth. In this little treatise {De Methodo) of 
Aconcio, there seem to be the elements of a sounder philosophy, 
and a more steady direction of the mind to discover the reality 
of things, than belonged to the logic of the age, whether as 
taught by the Aristotelians or by Ramus. Acontius had developed 
larger principles of toleration than Castalio, Celso and Koorn- 
hert, distinguishing the fundamental from the accessory doctrines 
of the gospel ; which, by weakening the associations of bigotry 
prepared the way for a catholic tolerance. His Stratagemata 
treatise is perhaps the first wherein the limitation of fundamental 
articles of Christianity to a small number is laid down at con- 
siderable length."'*^ 

Acontius, finally, lifts his voice against the application of 
the death penalty in the matter of heresy ; but his reasoning, 
like that of CasteUio, is equally valid against all the lesser 

" There are those," he says, " who think that, if the sword be 
allowed to rest, it is over with all religion ; but we do a great 
injury to God if we suppose that He sleeps, that He cannot take 
care of His people, or that He cannot preserve His gospel with- 
out the sword; as though His word were of no effect, but the 
whole hope of the Christian were placed in cold steel. Let us 
be of good cheer ; the Lord is not asleep, but keepeth watch. If 
all our hope be placed in Him, if we do battle with the Word, 
and with the spirit of His breath (which is to be besought with 
instant prayers), yea, what we fear from heretics will be as 

" If ecclesiastics," he continues, " once get the upper hand, if 

*^ Hallam, Introd, to Lit. of Europe, 1839, ii. 157, 159; iii. I02; ii. II4. 


it be conceded to them, that the moment a man shall dare to 
open his mouth, the executioner must come and cut all knots 
with his blade, what then will become of the grand study of the 
Holy Scriptures ? Truly it will be thought little worth a man's 
while to engage in it. For men will be able to force all the 
dreams of their imaginations on wretched groundlings, and still 
retain their place of dignity. Woe unto us, woe unto our 
posterity, if we cast aside this only weapon, with which we may 
lawfully fight, and may always be victorious ! We may as well 
give over at once.""*^ 

^' Stratageiuata, lib. iii. pp. 156, 157, 158 (ed. i6io). See Appendix 


Socinianism ; its two authors, Lelio and Fausto Sozzini ; stages of their 
doctrine, and its introduction into England. 

It was within the Strangers' Church in London that, as 
we have seen, arose the first controversies in England on 
the subject of the Trinity (1550 — 1575) ; and here appeared, 
as vanguard of the Unitarian party, the Italians Ochino and 
Acontius, and the Spaniard Corranus. So far, however, 
these questions had scarcely penetrated beyond the precincts 
of Austin Friars and the circle of professional theologians. 
The engineer Acontius was the first layman who claimed 
the right to deal with ecclesiastical subjects ; and, in spite 
of the excommunication which smote him, it appears that 
his Stratagemata exerted even more influence in England 
than Ochino's Thirty Dialogues. Now it was part of the 
tactics of Acontius not directly to comliat, with arguments 
derived from reason, the dogmata of the Trinity and of the 
divinity of Jesus Christ, but to relegate them to the class of 
questions not essential to salvation. The tendency, then, 
of these " pseudo-evangeUcals," as Microen calls them, was 
rather extra-Trinitarian than anti-Trinitarian. 

But Acontius, in applying his fine analytical method to 
religious questions, was becoming unawares the promoter of 
a revolution in dogma, not less fruitful than the Cartesian 
revolution in philosophy later on. We speak of Socinianism. 
Acontius and his friend Ochino stand towards Socinianism 
as Scotism stands towards Ochino. The filiation of ideas 
and of methods is evident. From the first book of the 


Stratagemata is borrowed the criterion, adopted in the Cate- 
chism of the Fratres Poloni, for the purpose of distinguishing 
between truths essential to salvation, and those which are 
only useful, viz. the degree of their serviceableness for the 
attainment of eternal life. With respect to the doctrine of 
redemption by the grace of God, who accepts as expiatory 
the merits of Jesus Christ, Fausto Sozzini confesses that his 
opinion {sententia) had been " openly expressed and incul- 
cated in the Dialogi of Ochino."^ Thus it was again to 
Italians that the task was reserved of applying the analytic 
and critical method to the theory of the sacraments, and the 
dogmata of redemption, of predestination and of the resur- 
rection ; and of opening the pathway of Unitarian Chris- 
tianity at both extremities of Europe, in Poland and Tran- 
sylvania on the one hand, in England and the Netherlands 
on the other. But first let us see what the Sozzini were. 

The Sozzini (diminutive of Sozzi) were a very ancient 
family, originally from Percena, near Buonconvento in Tus- 
cany, and established at Siena since the beginning of the 
fourteenth century. After having become enriched as 
bankers and notaries, they had given themselves up to the 
study of law. Mariano, the elder (1397 — 1467), was pro- 
fessor of Canon Law at Padua ; Bartolomeo was the author 
oi Socini Solutiones ; and lastly, Mariano, the younger {1482 
— 1556), lectured on law with growing success at Pisa, 
Padua and Bologna (circa 1540), and received from his 
contemporaries the appellation oi Princeps y^un'sconsuitoriun. 
This Mariano had thirteen children, eleven sons and two 
daughters ; the eldest son, Alessandro, became the father of 
Fausto Sozzini (born 5 Dec. 1539); and the sixth son w-as 

1 Theolog. Review, Oct. 1879, A. Gordon's second article on The 
Sozzini and their School, p. 546. [It was not the doctrine that Christ's 
merits were accepted as expiatory (Sozzini did not beheve this in any 
sense), but the doctrine that Christ's work was to influence not God 
but man, which Sozzini found in Ochino.] 

N 2 


Lelio Francesco Maria Sozzini (born 29 Jan. 1525). These 
two became the first founders of Socinianism.- Several other 
sons of Mariano the younger were suspected of heresy and 
obhged to go into exile ; Camillo and Cornelio, for example, 
who were younger than Lelio, and whom we have already 
met wdth at Chiavenna.^ As to Celso, although at the head 
of the party of freethinkers and literary men of Siena, he 
retained the favour of the Medici, became a Count, and 
gonfaloniere of S. Martino to boot. He was the founder 
of the Accademia dei Sizienti, which had for its emblem a 
winged lion on the summit of a mountain with the motto 
Qiiamdiu sitimt? Frequently there were several of these 
academies or literary societies in the smallest towns of Italy, 
thirty at least in Siena ;* and, like the societies founded by 
Conrad Celtis, at Mainz and at Vienna, by Wimpheling at 
Strassburg and Schlestadt, these academies very soon be- 
came so many centres of religious discussions. 

Such was the situation, on one hand men of letters, on 
the other hand men of law, in which young Lelio was 
brought up. The religious element, however, was not 
wanting in his education ; it was represented by his mother, 
Camilla Salvetti, a woman as pious as she was enlightened, 
and by his sister, Porzia ; and at the age of fifteen he 
had opportunities of hearing Bernardino Ochino's sermons, 
already saturated with evangelical doctrine. He was, more- 
over, gifted with a clear and subtle intellect, and a heart 
open to the noblest affections, those of friendship and the 
religious sentiment. Beginning his law studies at Bologna 

2 Cantu, tit Slip., vol. ii. discourse viii. [The Antitrinitarians), and, 
in appendix, the genealogy of the Sozzini. 

3 The name of A. Socini (with five sons, not named) is found in the 
Registers of the French Church at Basel for the year 1559. 

■* [There were no less than forty-six at Siena, of which a few still 
exist. Celtes was not the founder, though the chief extender, of the 
Rhenish Academy.] 


under his father's auspices, our student was already full of 
the idea of seeking in the Divine Law the sources of human 
jurisprudence ; he learned Greek, Hebrew, and even Arabic, 
with the view of being able to understand the Scriptures in 
the original tongues. At twenty-one he set out on his first 
tour through Europe, and, from that moment till his death 
in May 1562, it may be said that, with the exception of two 
sojourns of three years each at Zurich (1555-^1557 '^'"'d 
1559 — 1562), his whole Hfe was but the journey of a noble 
pilgrim in search of religious truth. As we cannot follow 
him through all his peregrinations, we intend simply to mark 
the principal stages of his thought, as gathered from his own 
correspondence, and that of the Swiss Reformers. 

Lelio's halting-place was at Venice, that intense focus of 
evangelical ideas, where questions pertaining to the Eucha- 
rist and the Trinity had already been matter of study for 
si.Kteen years. Here he certainly made the acquaintance of 
Baldassare Altieri (who is mentioned in several of his letters), 
and he frequented the conferences at Vicenza, where the 
dogmata of the Trinity and Vicarious Satisfaction were under 

If we may believe Andrzej Wiszowaty (his nephew's grand- 
son, who was perhaps a little carried away by ancestral piety 
in extolling the early deserts of his great grand-uncle), Eelio, 
while reading the Scriptures from the standpoint of Law, 
"observed the discrepancies between them and the com- 
monly-received dogmata of the Church, especially that of 
the Trinity, and revived the opinion, then, as it were, smoul- 
dering in the embers, that the Son of God, Jesus Christ, had 
no existence prior to Mary, his mother." Lelio was then 
only twenty-one, and some writers have treated Wiszowaty's 
narrative as a myth, on the ground of this extreme youth, 

' Andrzej Wiszowaty of .Szumky, Narratio Conipendlosa, at p. 209 of 
Sand's Bibliotheca Antitrin. 


coupled with various anachronisms. For ourselves, while 
altogether rejecting, with Trechsel and A. Gordon,*^ the addi- 
tions of Sand and Lubieniecky, we believe in the reality of 
these secret re-unions in the neighbourhood of Venice. They 
appear to us quite natural, during a time of religious perse- 
cution, and under such colours that they escaped the search 
of the Inquisition until about 1562 ; and we are of opinion 
that they strengthened Lelio in his doubts. 

Far more important changes were produced in his thought 
when he had become acquainted with three men whom we 
have already encountered in the Antitrinitarian controver- 
sies, Camillo Renato the Sicilian, Matteo Gribaldo and Ber- 
nardino Ochino. It was at Chiavenna, in 1547, that he saw 
the scholarly tutor of the Pallavicini family. Camillo so 
thoroughly imbued him with his own spiritual conception 
of the sacraments, that we find it almost exactly reproduced 
in Lelio's De Sacramentis Disscrtatio. He had already met 
Gribaldo, as well as Acontius, in his father's lecture-room at 
Bologna," and with the former he must have been on pretty 
intimate terms, since we find him staying several weeks at 
his house in Padua on his return from a visit to his family 
(Sept., Oct. 1553). As regards Ochino, Lelio met him for 
the first time in London during his travels in England in the 
first half of 1548. He was afterwards much in his company 
from the year 1555, during his two sojourns at Zurich. So 
close was the intimacy, that it has been said that Lelio was 
Ochino's evil genius, as if a young man of thirty could wield 
any ascendancy over a man of sixty-eight, and of the calibre 
of Master Bernardine. It seems to us more likely that the 
contrary is the truth, and that the dialectic spirit of Ochino, 

^ Theolog. Kez'. July, 1879, ut sup., pp. 300 ff. Cf. Trechsel, vol. ii. 
app. i., Die sogenannten Collegia Vicentina. 

^ [Gribaldo was educated at Padua, where, indeed, Mariano Sozzini 
taught from 1526 to 1540. Where Acontius studied is unknown.] 


in ceaseless quest of arduous problems, was certain to ino- 
culate Lelio with that quczrendi pruritum for which Calvin 
rebuked him in his celebrated letter of ist January, 1552. 

In fact, from 1548-49, at which time he was on the move 
between Ziirich, Geneva and Basel, Lelio had engaged to 
correspond with Calvin, Bullinger and J. Wolff. In his 
letters he discloses his thoughts by halves. To Calvin he 
submits cases of conscience relating to mixed marriages, the 
validity of baptism administered at home, and the nature of 
the resurrection body ; but, above all, he puts the formidable 
objection of the incompatibility between salvation by free 
grace and salvation acquired by the merits of Jesus Christ.^ 
He questions Bullinger respecting the command which Jesus 
Christ laid on several of his disciples not to proclaim him as 
the Messiah, and to Bullinger he addresses in writing his 
Confession of Faith, by way of self-defence against the de- 
nunciations of Martinengo and Philipp Saluz.'' But it is, 
above all, in his letters to J. Wolff, the successor to Bibli- 
ander in the Hebrew chair, that he propounds his doubts 
respecting the intrinsic and supernatural value of the sacra- 
ments and respecting the Trinity. ^'^ At length, after having 
visited Ochino in his dangerous illness of 1560, and having 
doubtless assisted him in the composition of his Labyrinths 
and his Thirty Dialogues, Lelio Sozini died at Zurich at the 
age of thirty-seven, protected by the venerable Bullinger 
against the hatred of his accusers, and leaving the reputation 
of one of the most powerful minds and one of the noblest 
hearts to which the Italian Reformation had given birth. 

To sum up these scattered features of his life, and to give 

« Calvini Opera, tit stip., vol. xiii. pp. II91, 1212, 1231, 1323, 1341, 

^ Trechsel, ut sup., vol. ii. app. vii. 

1" Fatisti et LtFlii Socim' item Ernesti Soneri Tractatiis aliquot Theo- 
logici, nunquain antehac in lucem editi : Eleutheropolis (Amsterdam), 
1654, p. 160. 


a complete idea of Lelio Sozini as a man, before we address 
ourselves to him as a thinker, we cannot do better than 
present in this place the portrait of him which his nephew 
has traced with a filial sort of piety. 

" Far from being wanting in religious certitude, no man ever 
entertained or expressed (when he judged it opportune) more 
exact views on all the dogmata of the Christian religion. But 
as he perceived that, after so great and so long a darkness, 
scarcely anything, save the few essentials of salvation, was re- 
stored to pristine purity in the Churches that threw off the 
Roman antichrist, he would not open his mind to every one, 
except in some controversies of small moment. This he did, for 
fear of troubling the Churches, and lest the weak, for whom he 
ever had the greatest consideration, should be offended, and 
perhaps drawn back again froin the worship of the true God to 
idols ; and lest the divine verity, proclaiined by a layman, should, 
to the great detriment of the Christian world, be rejected and 
spurned, from the lack of authority in its publisher. 

" He saw that, in some Churches, opinions and customs were 
so strong, that even a murmur against them was received with 
execration. Therefore he thought it better now and then to 
propose doubts and questions to men illustrious in the Church, 
that in this way by degrees an approach might be made to the 

" For instance, these men, in consequence of his arguments, 
were led in the meantime to distrust the soundness of their 
inveterate opinions', and so they forbore from impressing them 
on the people as axioms of Christian religion. This he did, to 
avoid all offence, under the plea of a desire to be taught (pro- 
bably a true plea in the outset), and always professed himself a 
learner, never a teacher. But he was fully sensible that this plan 
was not to the whole extent approved by his friends, yet would he 
not comply with their suggestions. 

" In removing this eminent man by an untimely death, God 
had a purpose, which was not slow to appear ; since, almost 
directly after his death, some part of what he had not himself 
the courage to teach openly, began to appear in print and to be 
made generally known, which, had he lived, would never perhaps 


have happened. In fact, up to that time his friends were not 
fully imbued with his ideas, by what he had written, since he 
kept it to himself; and were not bold enough to make public, 
against their master's will, anj' one of the things which they 
had learned from him. In this way hath it pleased God to 
make manifest to all what He had revealed to him alone ; to the 
end that, the darkness of ignorance being thoroughly dispelled, 
Christian people may begin at length with their whole mind to 
render unto Him faith and due obedience, and that outsiders 
may more readily be drawn to the true and saving knowledge of 
Him through Jesus Christ."'^ 

If Lelio Sozini only left two or three tractates,'^ some 
annotations on the margins of his Bible, and about thirty 
letters to friends, on the other hand he had found in his 
nephew Fausto not only a worthy heir, but one gifted with 
the firmness to carry out his thoughts and his projects. In 
other respects, the characters of the uncle and of the nephew 
present a curious contrast. If Lelio was to a certain extent 
timid in practice, Fausto, we shall find, was proportionally 
firm, and sometimes hard, in social intercourse ; Lelio was 
an ardent and generous soul, Fausto is cold and reserved 
even to dryness ; Lelio is bold only in his thought, but docile 
to outside influences ; Fausto is a man of statesmanlike qua- 
lities, who, while repudiating the headship of a party, pos- 
sessed every fitness for the position. 

Born at Siena, fifteen years after Lelio (5 Dec. 1539), 
Fausto Paulo Sozzini received the same education as his 
uncle, an education literary and legal. Losing his father in 
his second year, he came under the more direct influence of 
his mother and grandmother, Agnese Petrucci and Camilla 
Salvetti, his aunt and his sister ; and this intercourse with 
women of superior mind imparted to him a high elevation 
of sentiment, and early inspired him with a true veneration 

" Socini Opera, ut sup., vol. i. 7S2. 

^- Faiisli et Livlii Socini . . . . tractatiis, 1654, nt sup. 


for moral beauty. On the other hand, he professed but a 
mean opinion of the legal studies which were the hereditary 
glory of the Sozzini ; and concerning Bartolo, Baldo and the 
like, who were the classic authors in this science at this 
epoch, he expresses himself in terms of contempt almost 
identical with those of Acontius in his letter to Wolff.^^ 

Accordingly, following the example of Lelio, he started in 
his twenty-second year for a tour of Europe, hoping to find 
abroad that liberty of thought and belief which was wanting 
in his own country. He had, there is no doubt, entered 
into relations with his uncle during his last visit to Italy in 
1559," but, for what reason we know not, he made Lyons 
and -Geneva his first two stopping-places. At Lyons the 
Italian Protestants were very numerous, and had even ob- 
tained permission to hold public worship. At Geneva, 
Fausto gave in his name as a member of the Italian Church, 
and contracted a friendship with Manfredo Balbani, the son 
of the Italian pastor. It was while at Lyons that he received 
the unexpected news of Lelio's death. He at once^^ set out 
for Zlirich, where he was welcomed by Bernardino Ochino 
and the elders of the Locarnese Church, and gathered up 
his uncle's books and papers. 

Having found amongst them a sort of paraphrase of the 
Proem to St. John's Gospel, which appeared to him to offer 
an entirely novel interpretation of the Logos, he published it 

^^ See his letter to Scipione Bargagli, in Cantii. 

^* [It is not clear that Lelio reached Italy in 1559, though he intended 
to go to Venice. His last known visit to Italy was in 1552-53, which 
fits better with what Fausto says of his uncle's influence on him as " a 
young man, almost a boy." 0pp. ii. 118.] 

■'^ [So says Przypcowski ; but J. Wolff, writing on 23 Aug. 1562, 
speaks of Fausto as returning from Italy, and says he brought letters 
from Francesco Negri. This seems to show that, on hearing of his 
uncle's death, he went home, before proceeding to Zurich. See Trechsel, 
vol. ii. 201.] 


at the request of some of his friends, but without affixing his 
name (1562).^'' 

Did the premature death of LeUo cause some remorse to 
the Grand Duke Cosimo, who, three years previously, had 
refused him the withdrawal of the Inquisition's sequestration 
of his patrimony, or must the prince's change of mind be 
attributed to the influence of Count Celso Sozzini? It is a 
fact that in the following year we find Fausto employed as 
the Grand Duke's secretary for foreign affairs, and enjoying 
the favour of his daughter Isabella, Duchess, of Bracciano.^" 
Fausto remained in the prince's service until his death 
(1563 — 1574), and during those eleven years made outward 
profession of Catholicism. Let us not judge this attitude 
too severely ; we may surmise that Fausto was not yet con- 
verted in his inmost conviction, and we may remember that 
Valdes and many other believers, already thoroughly per- 
suaded of the truth of justification by faith, considered it 
permissible to participate in the exterior rites of the esta- 
blished Church. Nevertheless, the witness of Fausto, though 
eclipsed, was not entirely lost to the cause of the gospel. 
At the instigation of his patroness, Isabella de' Medici, he 
composed in Italian, and afterwards in Latin, an important 
work on the Authority of Holy Scripture, which is a remark- 
able defence of the truth of the Bible. ^^ 

^^ Socini Opera : Explicatio sive Paraphrasis in Prowmhim Johannis. 
[Fausto distinctly says that this Explicatio was his own, though suggested 
by a few words of his uncle's manuscript. 0pp. i. 497, ii. 640.] 

^'' [This paragraph touches the most obscure points in the story of 
Lelio and Fausto. We gather from unpublished documents that Lelio 
came in for nothing under his father's will, and that any attempts of the 
Inquisition to interfere with the disposition of the Sozzini patrimony 
were at that time unsuccessful. Fausto was certainly in the service of 
Isabella, and spent twelve years (1563 — 1575) at ease in Italy, "partly 
at court" {0pp. i. 490). That he was ever in the service of the Grand 
Duke is not borne out by his (unpublished) letters to the Grand Dukes 
Francesco and Ferdinando.] 

^^ De Auctoritate S. Scriptunc, in F. Soc. 0pp. 


However, the word of God, assiduously pondered and 
scrutinised by Fausto, effected in his soul a hidden working, 
which was sure, sooner or later, to issue in a rupture at once 
with the Roman tradition and with all human authority. The 
publication of Girolamo Zanchi's book, De tribus Elo/iim, a 
learned defence of the doctrine of the Trinity (in the Preface 
to which the anonymous tract of 1562 on the Proem of St. 
John is attributed to Lelio Sozini, and treated as an "impious 
interpretation," "a Samosatenian heresy"), appears to have 
been the decisive occasion of this rupture. From that time 
Fausto had but one thought — to avenge the memory of his 
uncle, which had been undeservedly outraged, and boldly 
to scatter the darkness of prejudice and error which obscured 
the truth in all quarters, including even the Protestant 
Churches. On the death of the Grand L>uke Cosimo 
(1574),^^ Fausto refused all the honours and riches which 
were offered him, and, bound only by the promise made 
to his benefactress that he would preserve the anonymous 
in his publications, bade farewell to Florence. 

This time Fausto took up his residence at Basel, where 
he remained about three years, doubtless induced to stay 
by the liberty which men of letters there enjoyed, by the 
presence of some members of his family, and by the attrac- 
tive society of several friends, — Manfredo Balbani, Francesco 
Betti, the friend of Acontius, Giovanni Francesco Castig- 
lione, and Girolamo Marliano. Here it was that he had the 
good fortune to obtain possession of the manuscripts left by 
Sebastian Castellio, some of which he published shortly after 
with an important Preface. 

While there he also engaged in two controversies which 
led to the publication of two of his works. The first of 
these, in which he was engaged with Jacques Couet, then 
a divinity student, and afterwards minister of the French 

^* [It was after the death of Isabella in 1576 that he wrote from Basel, 
courteously excusing himself from entering the service of Francesco.] 


Church at Basel, gave him the opportunity of developing 
his ideas on the satisfaction of Christ in his celebrated work, 
De yesu Christo Servatore, which for a long time circulated 
as an anonymous manuscript, before being printed with his 
name (1594)- 

He held the second of these controversies with Francesco 
Pucci, a young Florentine refugee, who denied the utility of 
any visible church, and maintained the necessity of a new 
revelation, and the natural immortality of the soul. On this 
last point Fausto held the opposite thesis, and published it 
in his De Statu Primi Ho minis ante Laps urn .'^^ 

Called (1578) by Dr. Giorgio Biandrata to Kolozsvar in 
Transylvania, there to defend the usage of the invocation of 
Jesus Christ in prayer, which was being attacked by Bishop 
Ferencz David, Fausto Sozzini eventually took up his abode 
at Krakow, and there married Elzbieta, daughter of Krzysz- 
tof Morsztyn. He spent there nearly twenty years, engaged 
in his works on the Bible, and in the propagation of his ideas 
among the churches of Poland. But the publication of his 
De yesu Christo Servatore having given rise to a popular 
disturbance, in which his house was pillaged and himself 
much maltreated, he sought a last asylum in the house of 
his friend Abraham Blonski at Luslawice. He died there at 
the age of sixty-five (4 March, 1604), in peace with God, and 
in the conviction that he had worked for the advancement 
of Christ's kingdom on earth. 

The parallel which we have instituted between the lives 
of the two founders of Socinianism has already brought into 
relief the contrast of their characters. That of their doctrines 
is less marked, and for an excellent reason, namely, that 
their point of view is the same — to accept, as true, only that 
which is in conformity with Scripture when interpreted by 

"^^ For information about Pucci, who studied at Oxford (1572 — 1574), 
see Gordon, Theol. Rev. Oct. 1879, pp. 549—551. 


sound reason, and, as essential to salvation, only that which 
is instrumental in obtaining eternal life. But if they agree 
in the principle, how widely do they differ in their methods 
of propounding and disseminating it ! Lelio to a large extent 
practises the system of accommodation recommended by 
his master, Ochino, and sows the seeds of his ideas in the 
shape of questions, marks of interrogation, applying already 
the Cartesian doubt. Fausto, on the contrary, strikes full 
in the face of all the orthodox dogmata, which he considers 
as so much refuse of Roman superstition. The ideas of 
the former appear uncertain and incoherent — portcntosa 
(monstrosities) as Calvin calls them — because he gives them 
out only in fragments, and in the form of antinomies ; while 
those of Fausto present themselves as a system thoroughly 
digested and all of a piece. Let us make this difference clear 
by a few examples. 

In the first place, with respect to the dogma of expiation, 
Lelio only brings out the contradiction between these two 
propositions— ^/^rj-/, salvation is offered to us without price by 
the grace of God ; second, it was necessary for Jesus Christ 
to expiate our sins by his merits, in order to satisfy the justice 
of God and gain for us eternal salvation. Calvin having 
answered him that the merits of Jesus Christ are to be viewed 
as coming under the category of God's good pleasure, and that 
this unpurchased character of salvation can only be properly 
opposed to our own merits, and to all acts of human righteous- 
ness, Lelio professed himself satisfied with this solution, 
closely conformed to that of Duns Scotus.^^ It did not satisfy 
the matter-of-fact and logical mind of Fausto. In his De 
yesu Christo Servatore, he utterly demolishes the doctrine 
of "vicarious satisfaction." In his view, Jesus Christ came 
to reconcile, not God to men, but men to God. All that 
Jesus said or did which was divine, he did in virtue of the 

^1 Calvini Opera, vol. x. i6o, Consilia Dog-mat ica. 


grace conferred upon him by his Father. His special func- 
tions were those of a prophet and a king, and not that of a 
high-priest. If he died, it was to seal with his blood the 
truth of his revelations, and not to appease the wrath of an 
ever good and merciful Ciod. 

This leads us to the second point which engages our 
attention, that of the divinity of Christ. Lelio allows to 
Jesus the titles of Messiah or Christ ; Son of God, unique (but 
not eternal), ■^'•^ and Word of God, who was incarnate in the 
womb of the Virgin (in accordance with the Apostles' Creed). 
But already for Lelio, Jesus is, above all, " our sweet cruci- 
fied one" and "our precursor;" that is to say, the one who 
has pointed to us, through suffering, the way which leads 
to life eternal.-^ Fausto Sozzini emphasises still more the 
humanity of Christ ; in his eyes Jesus Christ is verus homo 
(he does not ?,?iy purus homo). He accords divinity to him, 
in the same sense in which he also admits his miraculous 
and immaculate conception, and the incarnation of the Word 
of God in him, namely, to the end that he might be enabled 
to fulfil his prophetic and regal offices; but he refuses to 
him participation in essential and eternal deity. And, above 
all, he insists on this, that Jesus was truly our brother, having 
shared the same evils and the same death that we do, in 
order that, by his passion, he might serve as example to us, 
and that, by his resurrection, he might give evidence of the 
life and immortality which await us. Let us note, in pass- 

" [It does not appear that Lelio expressly affirmed or denied the 
eternal Sonship. In his Confession of Faith (15 July, 1555), he calls 
Christ "our eternal God, Judge, Deliverer, Lord and King."] 

^^ Trechsel, vol. ii. app. x. "iV(7« dubhitate piiufo, die, se hora di 
spine col nostra dolce crocijisso, tin giorno e tosto di vera e trio/nphante 
gloria saremo coronati. . . . In somina, viviamo di maniera . . . da noi 
rendasi . . . honore . . . al nostro Padre e Dio, per il Signor Christo 
Jesti, nostro precursore." Letter from Lelio to the Church at Locarno 


ing, this singular opinion of Fausto, doubtless borrowed from 
Pomponazzi's book, that the soul is mortal in its nature, and 
only acquires immortality by the power of the Holy Spirit, 
effecting in us, through faith, a new creature. -"* 

Lastly, let us observe the attitude of the two Sozzini in 
regard to the dogma of the Trinity. Lelio, in his letter to 
Wolff, raises two objections against the Trinity. The first is 
directed against the separate personality of the Holy Spirit : 
" In this saying of Jesus, ' God is a Spirit,' the term 'spirit' 
is taken in the sense of spiritual essence. Now if God is 
tripersonal, this attribute must belong to the three persons." 
In that case, Lelio asks if the Holy Spirit ought to be other- 
wise conceived of than as spiritual essence. The second 
objection is this : Lelio asks himself how the expression, 
"Jesus is Son of God," ought to be understood. If God is 
tripersonal, we should have to conclude thence that the man 
Jesus is Son of the Trinity; for he is a creature, and overt 
actions of the Trinity are not distributable among the persons.-^ 

It even appears that in his conversations with members of 
the Italian Church at Geneva, Lelio went so far as to treat 
the Trinity as a sort of tripartite chimera, and gloried in 
being the new giant who should overturn this tower.-" And 
yet, in defending himself to Bullinger, he declared that he 

^* Faiisti et LceIH Socini .... tractatiis, tit sup. ( Suini7ia Religionis 
CkristiancE, a F. Socino coiiscripta). [Sozzini's exact doctrine is as 
follows. A man is a union of three constituents: body, anima (the force 
by which we live and feel), and animus (the force by which we think). 
Death separates these constituents, and, in sb doing, dissolves the man. 
The body returns to earth ; the anima ceases to have independent exist- 
ence, and returns to the Fountain of life; the animus /^jj/^/j' retains a 
separate existence, but can in no case be called a man. Only in the 
case of some will there be that glorified re-union of the constituents, 
never to be again severed, which constitutes immortality.] 

"^ Hottingersche Saninilung, at Zurich, v. 332. See Appendix XIII. 
-^ Trechsel, vol. ii. 180, n. (Letter from Martinengo to Bullinger). 
[The reference is not to himself, but to Servetus.] 


abhorred Sabellianism, Tritheism and Arianism, and en- 
trenches himself behind the authority of the Scriptures and 
the Apostles' Creed. ■■^' 

How much more frank and unequivocal is the attitude of 
Fausto Sozzini ! Pursuing the method of Acontius, he begins 
by classifying the (question of the nature of God among the 
truths that are profitable, but non-essential to salvation. Then 
he demonstrates that the Trinity is contrary at once to 
Scripture and to reason. To Scripture, because nowhere is 
the Holy Spirit expressly called God, and because the term 
God, when applied to the Son, is taken in the sense of 
holding his power of the Almighty or participating in the 
Divine majesty, as in several passages in the Old Testament. 
Reason, for her part, repels the doctrine : r. Because the 
divine unity and the triplicity of persons involve a contra- 
diction ; 2. Because division of persons is incompatible with 
the perfection of being ; 3. Because the eternal generation 
of the Son is irreconcilable with perfect equality. And he 
concludes that in the essence of God there is but one sole 
person, the Father of our Saviour Jesus Christ.-'^ 

Such is the gradation which marked Antitrinitarian criti- 
cism in its passage from Lelio to Fausto Sozzini ; and when 
we recall the previous stages of this theological process, 
which begins with Erasmus and Michael Servetus, and pur- 
sues its course in the Anabaptists of the Low Countries and 
the "pseudo-evangelicals" of London, we shall be able to 
judge of the ascending scale and victorious march of the 
Unitarian movement. 

England was a field fully prepared for receiving the Soci- 
nian ideas. Ochino had broken the clods, Acontius had 
ploughed the furrows, Corranus had watered the ground ; 
nothing now was wanted but to sow the seed. God confided 

■^ Hottinger, Ecc. Hist. N. T. (1667) vol. ix. sec. xvi. 2, pp. 417 ff. 
^* Socini Opera, vol. i. 652. Cf. Racovian Catechism. See Appendix 



this task to agents of every sort, both conscious and mecha- 

The first was Leho Sozini. We do not dwell on the 
importance of his visit to London in 1548. In fact, he 
was then only twenty-three years of age, and made but a stay 
of a few months. Attended by all the prestige which be- 
longed to the name of the Sozzini, he was probably presented 
by Ochino at the court of Edward VI. What a charm, at 
any rate, must he not have exercised over his fellow-country- 
men at Austin Friars ! And if we bear in mind that, in the 
following year. Hooper apprises BuUinger of the appearance 
of the first who denied the divinity of Jesus Christ, it is 
impossible to withhold from Lelio Sozini his share in the 
evolution of English extra-Trinitarian theology.-*' This influ- 
ence was principally exerted through the numerous English 
exiles at Geneva and Ziirich, during the reign of Mary Tudor, 
who maintained relations with Lelio. These were the picked 
men of the English clergy and nobility, as we may judge 
from those who signed the Letter addressed to the Council 
of Ziirich.^'^ Among them we may mention Sir Richard 
Morison and the Earl of Bedford, whom Lelio doubtless 
met at the house of ( )chino, whose patrons they had been ; 
and especially a certain John Burcher, "a great lover of the 
Ziirichers,'' and a bold antagonist of the Jews and the Jesuits, 
who appears in the Zurich letters as an ultra-Puritan, and 
who ended by taking orders in the Anglican Church and 
obtaining a living near London.-^^ Perhaps also we should 
place among the first disciples of Socinianism in England, 
Dr. Raphael Ritter, a Londoner by birth, who, about 1575, 
published a Brevis Demonstration quod Christus 11011 sit ipse 

-^ Trechsel (Letter from Lelio Sozini to Bullinger, from Basel, 19 July, 
1549, on his return from England), vol. ii. appendix. 
^^ Moerikofer, ut. sttp., appendix. 
^^ Ziirich Letters, 3 ser., Letters 294 and 333. 


Deus qui Pater, nee ei cequah's ; and Bartholomew Legate, 
who was condemned to the stake as an Arian by James I. in 

But the most powerful missionary of Socinianism in En- 
gland was the press, which, under cover of the troubles 
which preceded and followed the fall of Charles I., enjoyed 
an extraordinary freedom. ^^ And even before the English 
press could print Antitrinitarian books with impunity, the 
printing-presses of Zaslaw, Wilno and Rakow, in Poland, and 
later those of Lubeck and Amsterdam, inundated Great 
Britain with Socinian works, translated into Latin for the use 
of English readers. In 1609 appeared the rirst Latin edition 
of the Catechism of the Unitarian Churches of Poland and 
Lithuania, better known under the name of the Racovian 
CatecJiism, and translated from the Polish by Jeromos Mos- 
korzowski of Moskorzdw, with a highly eulogistic dedication 
to the King of England, James L^^ This dedication proves 
that the edition was especially intended for the English, but 
it did not preserve the little duodecimo from the fury of the 
guardians of English orthodoxy; it was publicly burnt in 

Happily for the truth, governments cannot burn ideas. 
They rise anew, in stronger life than ever, even from the 
ashes of the books which had first offered them to the world's 
view. The Unitarian ideas made their way, by channels 
secret yet sure, among the enlightened classes of the English 
nation.-^* Under the reign of Charles L, they found a 
shield in the Latitudinarian party, which, inspired by the 

^^ [No avowedly Antitrinitarian books were printed in England with 
impunity before 1687.] 

^^ Catechesis Ecclesiamm qtia, in Regno PoloniiE et Magna Ducatii 
Lithuania. . . . ante annos qiiatnor Polonice, nunc verb etiain Latine edita: 
Racovise 1609. 

^■* For the remainder of this, and for the following chapter, see Robt. 
Wallace, ut. sup., vol. i. Historical Introduction. 

O 2 


principles of Acontius, aimed at the limitation of funda- 
mental doctrines to those which are strictly essential. One 
of the three leaders of the Latitudinarian party, Lucius 
Carey, Lord Falkland, having received some writings of 
Fausto Sozzini from his chaplain. Dr. Hugh Cressy, of 
Oxford, "was so extremely taken and satisfied with them, 
that," notwithstanding the opposition of his mother, who 
was a Catholic, "from that time was his conversion" to 
Socinianism. Some years afterwards, the great champion of 
the Trinity, Francis Cheynell, found an English translation 
of aSocinian book in the chamber of John Webberley, B.D., 
Fellow and sub-Rector of Lincoln College. This discovery 
was made in the course of a Parliamentary visitation of the 
University, the chief commissioner being Viscount Say and 
Scale, to whom Cheynell dedicated his work entitled, " The 
Rise, Growth and Danger of Socinianisme" (1643). John 
Webberley, who was imprisoned and expelled the University 
for resisting the action of the visitors, translated several 
Socinian works, among which was a " Socinian Master- 
peece." He had rendered it "into English, for the benefit 
of this Nation, and prepared it for the presse." Webberley, 
seeking refuge perhaps at Amsterdam, and William Hamil- 
ton, making his way to Franeker, continued to employ them- 
selves in disseminating their ideas. In 1651, the second 
Latin edition of the Racovian Catechism was printed in 
London, and the first EngHsh translation of it was printed 
at Amsterdam in 1652. A year later, Richard Moone, at 
the Seven Stars, in St. Paul's Churchyard, published English 
translations of certain tracts, written by the Polish Socinians : 
A Brief Enquiry touching a better Way then is commonly 
made use of , to refute Papists, &c., by Joachim Stegmann, the 
elder f'' The Life of that Incomparable Man, Faustus Socinus 

^^ [Brevis Disqitisitio, an et quoniodo viilgb died Evangelici, Pontificios 
.... solide atque evidciiUr refutare queant, 1633.] 


SiVicvis/s, described by a Polonian KnigJit, i. e. Samuel Przyp- 
cowski ; and, lastly, A Discourse touching the Peace &= Con- 
cord of the Church, <^c.^ by the same author. These trans- 
lations are attributed to John Bidle. From this time (1653) 
Socinian publications had a rapid run with the English public 
up to the end of the century. In 1731 the Rev. Edward 
Coombe ventured to publish an English translation of the 
De Auctoritate S. Scriptures of Fausto Sozzini, with a dedica- 
tion to Queen Caroline. It was re-issued in 1732. 

Moreover, Unitarian ideas began to assume an organised 
form in 1644, and were impersonated in some few knots of 
religious separatists. In London, in 1644, a preacher at a 
religious society in Bell Alley declared that "though Christ 
was a prophet and did miracles, yet he was not God ;" and 
near Coleman Street there was a society denying the divinity 
of Christ, under the leadership of a certain Welshman. Four 
years later, Rev. John Goodwin, who had opened an Inde- 
pendent chapel for the setting forth of Arminian doctrines, 
wrote these beautiful words in the Epistle prefixed to his 
translation of the first four books of the Stratagemata of 
Acontius : 

"In vain do they blow a trumpet to prepare the Magistrate to 
battle against Errors and Heresies, whilest they leave the judg- 
ments and consciences of men armed with confidence of truth 
in them. If men would call more for light, and less for fire from 
heaven, their warfare against such enemies would be much sooner 
accomplished. For he that denied the one, hath promised the 
other (Prov. ii. 3, 4, 5 ; Jam. i. 5). And amongst all weapons, 
there is none like unto light to fight against darkness. But 
whilest men arm themselves against Satan with the material 
sword, they do but insure his victory and triumph."^" 

Finally, John Bidle, M.A., Oxon., and Thomas Lushing- 
ton, B.D., Oxon., did their utmost by their writings to under- 

^^ Wallace, vol. i. loi. 


mine the popular belief in the Trinity. They digested the 
Acontian and Socinian ideas, adapting them to the practical 
and philanthropic character of the Anglo-Saxons, and thus 
became the first native organs of Unitarianism in England. 



Influence of the Anglo-Saxon genius on the development of English 
Unitarian Christianity: Bidle and Firmin. — Relations with the Lati- 
tudinarians, the Quakers, the New-Arians. — Milton, Locke and 

We now return from the tour of Europe which we under- 
took in our search for the sources of EngUsh Unitarianism, 
after having estabhshed the position that it had not its 
original roots in British soil. We have traversed all the 
countries which held relations with Great Britain • in the 
matter of religious ideas, the Low Countries and Germany, 
Switzerland and Italy, Spain and Poland ; we have inter- 
rogated in turn Anabaptists and Quakers, Episcopalians and 
Puritans, and we arrive at this conclusion. The first shoots 
of Unitarian Christianity budded in Italy, where Michael 
Servetus sowed, or whence perhaps he derived, the seed. 
Uprooted by the tempest of the Inquisition, these plants 
took fresh root in the hospitable valleys of Switzerland, and 
driven off once more by the blast of intolerance which stirred 
most of the churches, seeds were carried, some to the coasts 
of Britain, others to the steppes of Poland and the moun- 
tains of Transylvania. It was in the spring of 1550 that the 
/ first Unitarian party made its appearance in the Strangers' 
Church in London ; and from that time, fostered by the 
utterances of such men as Ochino, Acontius, Corranus and 
the Sozzini, it did not cease to grow until it reached such 
proportions that it could free itself from all foreign influence, 
and assume its proper and original character, its idiosyncrasy. 


SO to speak. At present, then, what we have to do is to 
examine, first, the mode in which the Anglo-Saxon genius 
has assimilated the Unitarian doctrine, that completely Latin 
conception ; and next to inquire how it has applied it in 
the practical work of the Church. 

Let us mark, at the outset, the transformation which the 
Acontian and Socinian ideas have undergone, in passing 
through the medium of the acknowledged Fathers of English 
Unitarianism, Bidle, Hamilton, Firmin, and the like. 

" With the exception of a slender intermittent stream of 
Servetianism," says Mr. Gordon, " which in England at least 
has never attained the proportions or the influence of a school 
of theology, Liberal Christianity has always owed the largest 

debt to the Socinian impulse that exotic theology 

which, with the necessary modifications, the learned Bidle, 
and later on the gentle Lindsey, exerted themselves to plant 
on English soil as a Unitarian Church." ^ This enterprise was 
begun with translations ; but these versions were not literal, 
and bore already the traces of doctrinal modifications, the 
work of the translators. 

Thus it is that William Hamilton, some time Fellow of 
All Souls', Oxford, the presumable translator of the Racovian 
Catechism (1652), naively avows having made changes from 
the Latin original, to suit the taste of the English reader.-^ 
Some time before, Thomas Lushington (d. 1661), of Pem- 
broke College, Oxford, chaplain to Charles I., had translated 
the Commentaries of Johann Krell, the elder, and of Jonas 
Schlichting on the Epistle to the Hebrews, and that of the 
former on the Epistle to the Galatians (1647 — 1650), not, 

1 Theol. Rev. Oct. 1879, pp. 532, 533. 

^ [No such avowal appears, though the changes are made ; but Web- 
berley, in his Epistle prefixed to the unknown "Socinian Master-peece," 
stated, according to Cheynell, "that Socinianisme was to be corrected 
and chastised with respect to the nature of our climate."] 


however, without additions and alterations.-^ It was also 
from the writings of the learned divine of Rakow (Krell) 
that Bidle drew his Unitarian theories. 

John ]]idle, born at Wotton-under-PMge, in Gloucester- 
shire, 14 Jan. 1616 (d. 1662), M.A., Oxon., and master of 
the Free -school in the parish of St. Mary de Crypt at Glou- 
cester, experienced his first doubts concerning the Trinity 
while reading the Bible, without having, as yet, opened any 
Socinian book. Denounced by some false brethren, and 
removed from his office, he was cited before a Parhamentary 
Committee sitting at Westminster, and openly denied the 
Deity of the Holy Spirit.^ 

After languishing in suspense for sixteen months, ten of 
which he spent in close custody, and being unable to obtain 
either a hearing or a discharge, Bidle decided to make an 
appeal to public opinion, and printed his Letter to Sir Henry 
Vane, along with XII Argmnents drawn out of the Scripture : 
wherein the commonly receiz'cd Opinion touching the Deity of 
the Holy Spirit is clearly and fully Refuted (1647). 

In his Letter to Vane, Bidle declares that he believes 
" the Holy Spirit to be the chief of all ministering spirits, 
peculiarly sent out from heaven to minister on their behalf 
that shall inherit salvation. ... As there is one principal 
spirit among the evil angels, known in Scripture by the 
name of Satan, .... even so is there one principal Spirit 
among the good angels, called by the name of the .... Holy 
Spirit." Parliament ordered the suppression of Bidle's pam- 
phlet, had it burnt by the hangman, and, the following year 
(2 May, 1648), passed an Ordinance "for the punishing of 
Blasphemies and Heresies," declaring the denial of the 
Trinity equivalent to the crime of felony, and making it 
punishable by death. Others would have given way to such 
menaces ; the dauntless prisoner at Westminster issued from 

^ Wallace, vol. iii. art. 284. ■* Ibid. vol. iii. art. 285. 


his cell two fresh works : A Confession of Faith touching the 
Holy Trinity according to the Scripture^ and The Testimonies 
of IrencEiis, J^iistin Martyr, TertuUian, Novatianus, Theo- 
philus, Origen . ... as also ofArnobius, Lactantius, Eiisebius, 
Hilaiy and Brightman., concerning that One God, and the Persons 
of the Holy Trinity, &c. (1648). We must not mistake this 
display of patristic authorities ; Bidle, at the close, carefully 
tells us that he has only invoked the testimony of the Fathers 
in order to pursue his adversaries on their own ground. For, 
says he, though they " lay aside this plea when they have to 
do with Papists .... yet do they take it up again, in a manner 
waving the Scripture, when they argue with me." Now in 
Bidle's eyes there is no other rule in matters of faith but 
Holy Scripture, and, in case of controversy respecting the 
sense of Scripture, no other authorised interpreter but reason. 

For a short period Bidle obtained his hberty, only however 
to be cast into Newgate by President Bradshaw. At length 
set free, after (in all) six years' imprisonment, thanks to the 
Act of Oblivion of 10 Feb. 1652, Bidle began to meet his 
friends every Sunday, and expounded the Scriptures to them 
in the sense of the Socinian Commentaries, translated in 
part by Lushington, and the Racovian Catechism. 

He himself was not satisfied with all the articles of this 
Catechism; for he published, two years after the appearance 
of its English translation, a Twofold Catechism : the One 
simply called A Scriptiire- Catechism ; the Other, A brief Scrip- 
ture-Catechism for Children. The work was drawn up in the 
form of questions, with " answers taken word for word out 
of the Scripture, without either consequences or comments." 
This book, which also had the honour of being burnt, cost 
its author a three years' banishment to the Scilly Isles. On 
being allowed to return, he at once resumed his meetings. 
For a short time he was persuaded to retire into the country; 
but, on venturing back, the unfortunate Bidle was again 
arrested at his lodgings in London, and sentenced to lie in 



prison until he had paid a fine of one hundred pounds. In 
a few weeks he died (22 Sept. 1662), from want of fresh air 
and wholesome nourishment, a true martyr of the Unitarian 

Little did he imagine that he would have a leading con- 
tinuator of his work in the person of that same Rev. John 
Cooper'' who had been appointed in his stead to the Master- 
ship of the Crypt Free-school at Gloucester. Cooper was 
one of tlie two thousand Presbyterian clergymen ejected by 
the Act of Uniformity ; he became the first minister of a 
Unitarian congregation at Cheltenham, which he served 
faithfully for twenty years (1662 — 1682), being a model of 
virtue and charity to his flock. 

Bidle also left disciples at London, such as Rev. John 
Knowles,'' whose moral courage cost him his liberty ; and 
young Nathaniel Stuckey," who had translated into Latin 
Bidle's Twofold Catechism, publishing along with it a short 
piece of his own on the death of Christ, and was giving 
tokens of the greatest promise, when, at sixteen years of age, 
he was carried off by the Great Plague of London (1665). 

In that same year appeared the translation of Johann 
Krell's principal work, De una Deo patre, with the English 
title, The Ttao Books of John Crellius, Fnincus, touching 
One God the Father, &c. In this treatise the author not 
only affirmed the strict unipersonality of God the Father, 
but elucidated also the uncompounded nature of the Son of 
God, and that of the Holy Spirit. Under the pseudonym 
of "Kosmoburg" we recognise the cosmopolitan city of 
London, and in the " Sign of the Sunbeams" we detect the 
publisher Richard Moone at the " Seven Stars," who for 
twenty years had published nearly all the translations of 
Socinian treatises. 

s Wallace, vol. iii. art. 350. " Ibid. vol. iii. art. 287. 

'' Ibid. vol. iii. art. 344. 


The English Unitarians, at this time, were in frequent 
communication with the Polish lirethren, and especially 
with the Krell family. Christoph, the second son of Johann 
Krell, pastor of a congregation of Polish exiles at Fried- 
richsburg in Silesia, twice visited England (1666 and 166S); 
and, having become a widower, confided the education of a 
son and a daughter to Nathaniel Stuckey's mother, who had 
offered to take charge of them, in memory of her beloved 
son, cut off in the flower of his age. Christoph's son, Samuel 
Krell,'^ thus educated in London, and subsequently in the 
Arminian Gymnasium at Amsterdam, became later on 
minister at Koenigswald, near Frankfort-onthe-Oder, but 
revisited England several times, and was in communication 
with many illustrious men, including Tillotson, the celebrated 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and the great Newton. Thus 
did the disciples of Bidle, encouraged by that feeling of a 
common cause which united them to the Unitarians of 
Prussia and the Arminians of Holland, continue his work, 
undeterred by the menaces of the most terrifying edicts, 
notably the Conventicle Act. 

But the most active and most successful advocate of the 
Unitarian cause, after Bidle, was a layman, Thomas Firmin,'' 
whose name, and sympathies for the victims of the revocation 
of the Edict of Nantes, betray a French origin. He was a 
mercer, and had a large place of business in Lombard Street, 
London. While still quite young, he had directed his good 
offices to mitigate at least, if he could not cut short, the cap- 
tivity of Bidle. He had been one of the assiduous hearers of 
the first Unitarian minister in London, as well as of Rev. John 
Goodwin, the Arminian translator of the Stratagemata ; and 
during Bidle's exile, he had even begun to disseminate Unita- 
rianism on his own account. Nevertheless, after the death 

8 Wallace, vol. iii. art. 358. 

^ Ibid. vol. iii. art. 353. Cf. vol. i. 151. 


of Bidle, Firmin was an attendant at the services of the 
Estabhshed Church, and maintained friendly relations with 
several of the clergy of that Church, including Dr. Benjamin 
Whichcote, Provost of King's College, Cambridge ; Dr. John 
Worthington, Master of Jesus College, Cambridge ; and, above 
all, Dr. Tillotson, who afterwards became Archbishop of 
Canterbury. Theophilus Lindsey has keenly reproached 
him with this compromise between his Unitarian principles 
and those of a Church which had officially condemned 
them.^*^ He views it as a betrayal of principle, due to the 
fear of the penalties decreed by the Act of Uniformity (1662) 
and the Conventicle Act (1664). A less severe judgment 
will be passed on this attitude of Firmin, if allowance is 
made for two circumstances : tirst, that Firmin was a layman, 
who had not been bound by any ecclesiastical obligation, 
and who, like Acontius, professed little admiration for reli- 
gious sects and coteries ; and, secondly, that most of the 
higher clergy in the Anglican Church were at that time 
imbued with Arminian and Latitudinarian ideas — witness 
Archbishop Tillotson, who in his letter to Bishop Burnet, 
speaking of the Athanasian Creed, remarks. " I wish we 
were well rid of it."^^ With bishops thus broad-minded, 
our Unitarian might well feel at his ease, and that without 
sacrificing an iota of his principles. He employed in the 
service of this cause two means, which, having no tinge of 
ecclesiasticism, were so much the more powerful in moving 
public opinion, which in England was prejudiced already 
against anything that savoured of " clerical cant." These 
were, an intelligent and inclusive philanthropy, and an in- 
comparable talent for public affairs. Thomas Firmin was 
the first to respond, in 1662, to the appeal of Unitarian 

1" Theoph. Lindsey, An Hisiorical View of the State of the Unitarian 
Doctrine and Worship, London, 1783, 8vo, chap. v. 295. 
" Wallace, vol. i. 275. 


Protestants of Poland, driven from their country by the 
intrigues of the Jesuits, and abandoned by the cowardice of 
the Lutherans and Calvinists. And when, in 1 680-81, the 
interference with the Edict of Nantes cast hundreds of French 
refugees on the shores of Great Britain, it was Firmin again 
who headed the subscription hst, and who was charged, by 
the unanimous confidence of the donors, with the dehcate 
office of treasurer. ^^ 

Firmin's charity, Uke that of the good Samaritan, was 
extended to all, even to his adversaries in religion ; but he 
was at times ill requited for his generosity, as is shown by 
the anti-Socinian pamphlet of Lamothe. This ingratitude 
did not discourage him, any more than the edicts against 
Antitrinitarian books intimidated him, and he it was who 
gave a considerable impulse to Unitarian publications. 

He had already, in 1665, caused the English version of 
the De uno Deo Patre, by Johann Krell, the elder, to be 
printed at his own cost, and he had perhaps a hand in the 
translation. In 1689 he had to do with the publication of 
The Naked Gospel, by Arthur Bury, D. D. This Latitudinarian 
clergyman propounded in the work just named an eirenical 
theory, very like that of Acontius and F. Sozzini, respecting 
the small number of articles which are really fundamental 
and universal, his aim being to serve the project, attributed 
to William III., of uniting all the English sects in one 
Church. In 1691 was published, at Firmin's expense, a 
volume which contained the first series of Unitarian Tracts, 
and in this were reprinted the principal waitings of John 
Bidle. The second series, which appeared about 1693, was 
composed of tracts all relating to the doctrine of the Trinity 
and the questions which it raises. The third was published 
at the end of 1695, while Firmin was still living; and the 
fourth some years after his death. 

^' Wallace, vol. i. 149, 176, iii. 376. 


These three or four volumes, known as the old Unitarian 
Tracts,^'^ played an important part in the celebrated Trini- 
tarian controversy engaged in by Drs. Sherlock, South and 
A\'allis, at th'=> close of the seventeenth century ; and it may 
be said that, in the absence of a constituted Unitarian 
Church, they were the means by w^hich Unitarian ideas 
made their way into the bosom of the Anglican Church. 

In fact, as Mr. Albert Reville justly remarks, the real 
influence of Unitarianism must not be measured by the size 
of its churches or by the number of their members. Faithfu 
to the thought of their Italian precursors, Acontius and 
the Sozzini, the first English Unitarians thought much less 
of founding new churches than of completing within the 
older churches the unfinished reformation of the Romish 
dogmatic system. 

We have already noted the friendly relations of Thomas 
Firmin with many high dignitaries of the Anglican Church. 
During several years (1668 — 1670) he was on terms not less 
good with the reformers of Quakerism, William Penn and 
Robert Barclay.^'^ In 1668, William Penn published a book 
entitled The Sandy Foundation Shaken. Relying on the tes- 
timony of the Scriptures and right reason, Penn refutes in 
this work " those so generally believed and applauded Doc- 
trines of One God, subsisting in three distinct and separate 
Persons ; the Impossibility of God's pardoning Sinners, with- 
out a plenary Satisfaction ; the Justification of impure Per- 
sons by an imputative Righteousness." The book entailed 
a seven months' imprisonment on its author ; but, on the 
other hand, it was warmly welcomed by the Unitarians, who 
found in it many of their cherished ideas, including Bidle's 
two-fold principle, the Scripture as interpreted by reason. 
Their delight was of no long duration. The moment the 
leaders of Quakerism, William Penn and George Whitehead 

^^ Wallace, vol. i. 219, 331, &c. " Ibid. vol. i. 160— 169, 


realised that they were being taken for disciples of Sozzini 
and Bidle, they retracted. Penn, during his imprisonment, 
published his pamphlet, Innocency with her Open Face (1669), 
in which he confessed his faith in God, who is an eternal 
Spirit ; in the only Son of God, who took upon him flesh ; 
and in the Holy Spirit, that proceeds from the Father and 
the Son. " He that has one has all, for ' these three are 
one,' who is the Alpha and Omega, the first and the last, 
God over all, blessed for ever." 

Robert Barclay, again, in his famous Apology f 07- the True 
Christian Divinity (1676), of which a sketch has been given 
(Chap. I. pp. 35, 36), reaches the same result as Penn; that is, 
a conception of the Trinity verging on that of Sabellius, and 
the denial of the imputation of Adam's sin and of predesti- 
nation. Henceforth there was a rupture between the Quakers 
and the Unitarians, the latter accusing the former, not with- 
out reason, of having contradicted themselves in the course 
, of a few years. We have but one point gained, namely, that 
/ both parties rejected the Athanasian Creed, in which they 
( had Archbishop Tillotson as a confederate. 

The relations of the English Unitarians with the theolo- 
gians who inclined to Arianism were more sympathetic, but 
still did not amount to a fusion. Thus Christoph Sand, 
the younger, in his Bibliothcca Antitrinitariorum (published 
posthumously at Amsterdam, 1684), erected a veritable 
monument to the glory of the unipersonal God ; but, taking 
his stand on the authority of the Fathers anterior to the 
Council of Nicaea, this author professed faith in an eternal 
and pre-existent Christ. 

Dr. Samuel Clarke, again, coadjutor and friend of the 

great Newton, confided to him his doubts as to the aposto- 

licity of the Trinitarian doctrine, and published his Scripture 

, Doctrine of the Ti'inity in 17 12. In it he exhibits a biblical 

^ erudition and a freedom of inquiry which greatly scandalised 

many of the orthodox (as may be seen in Voltaire's Letters 


on the Efiglis/i) ; but, to Newton's great regret, his conclu- 
sions were identical with those of Sand, that is to say, they 
bordered on Arianism. But what proves the radiating force 
of the Unitarian idea in England towards the end of the 
seventeenth century, still more than the voluntary or invo- 
luntary concessions of the Quakers and the New-Arians, is 
the real, if not avowed, adhesion given to it by three of the 
greatest English geniuses of this epoch, Milton, Locke and 

This testimony, however, is shorn of some of its glory by 
the fact that these great minds did not make known their 
religious opinions during their lives. Yet, if a posthumous 
avowal takes from the courage and magnanimity of the wit- 
nesses, it leaves untouched the worth of the testimony. Nay, 
these affirmations of the personal unity of God, which seem 
to come from beyond the tomb, carry for this very reason 
all the more weight and solemnity. 

Every one knows Milton the poet ; some few know Milton 
the politician ; scarcely any know Milton the theologian. ^^ 
John Milton (1608 — 1674) was a profoundly religious soul. 
Trained by a father who had been disinherited on account 
of his Protestantism, and by a mother rich in good works, 
he acquired for himself a faith resting on St. Paul's principle, 
" Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." He is 
supposed to have inspired Oliver Cromwell, whose Latin 
secretary he was, with all the measures relating to the liberty 
of conscience, of the press and of public worship, which were 
carried into effect during the Protectorate. 

For his own part, disgusted with the narrowness and the 
disputes of most of the Churches, wh-ether Established or 
Nonconformist, Milton attended no house of prayer, and 
rendered to God a solitary worship. " Every morning," 

^* Wallace, vol. iii. art. 345. Cf. Lichtenberger's Encyclopedie, art. 
Slroehlin on Milton. 


M. Taine tells us, in the beautiful pages he has devoted to 
him, " Milton had a chapter read to him from the Hebrew 
Bible, and remained some time in grave silence, in order to 
meditate on what he had heard." That was his prayer. Was 
not that also a prayer — and one of the most beautiful that 
ever issued from human lips — the magnificent invocation 
which is found at the close of his Reformation in Engla7id 

It begins with these words : "Thou, therefore, that sittest 
in light and glory unapproachable, Parent of angels and men ! 
next, thee I implore, omnipotent King, Redeemer of that 
lost remnant whose nature thou didst assume, ineffable and 
everlasting Love ! and thou, the third subsistence of divine 
infinitude, illumining Spirit, the joy and solace of created 
things ! one Tripersonal Godhead ! look upon this thy poor 
and almost spent and expiring church." 

In this hymn, as in his two poems, Paradise Lost and 
Paradise Regained, Milton still preserves the Trinitarian 
phraseology, although already with a very pronounced Arian 
tinge. But in his posthumous work, De Doctrijia Christiana, 
ex Sacris duntaxat Libris petita, which for a century and a half 
was buried among the State Papers,^*^ the great poet gives 
his final word on this question in the following terms : "The 
Israelites under the law and the prophets always understood 
that God is numerically One, that beside Him there is no 

other, much less any equal Proceeding to the New 

Testament, we find its testimony no less clear, .... inas- 
much as it testifies that the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ 
is that One God."^" His conception of the Son is Arian, 
and of the Holy Spirit the same as Bidle's. 

1® See the history of the discovery of this manuscript in Wallace, vol. 
iii. art. 345. It was discovered in 1823 by Mr. Lemon, Deputy-Keeper 
of the Records, in an envelope addressed to Mr. Skinner, merchant, and 
was published by order of George IV. in 1825. 

^^ See Appendix XV. 



If Milton, that bold and uncompromising republican whom 
no misfortune, no menace, was able to bend, recoiled from 
the publication of his Antitrinitarian dogmatics, we need feel 
no astonishment that men of a peaceful disposition, and who 
occupied official positions, hesitated to avow opinions which 
would have drawn them within the calamitous arena of con- 
troversy. Such was the case with Locke and Newton, who 
were united in the bonds of a close friendship and a Chris- 
tian sympathy. Nevertheless,^** in point of courage in the 
expression of his opinions, Locke stands above Newton ; 
for, after much wavering, he ventured to publish, under the 
veil of the anonymous, a treatise entitled The Reasonableness 
of Christianity as delivered in tJie Scriptures (1695). 

In this book, Locke (1632 — 1704) sets himself to prove, 
Bible in hand, that the fundamental truth preached by the 
apostles was the Messiahship of Jesus Christ, and that every 
man who admits that has a right to the name of Christian. 
Beyond this, he says not a word of the Trinity, or of the 
divinity of Jesus Christ. But in his Adversaria Theologica, 
the manuscript of which was found among his papers by 
Lord King, and published long after his death, Locke is 
much more explicit. In it he arranges parallel columns of 
passages for and against the Trinity, and makes the balance 
evidently lean to the side of Unitarianism. Lastly, the 
author of the Essay of Human Understanding clearly betrays 
his Unitarian opinions in his letters to the Arminian Philipp 
vanLimborch, grand-nephewof Episcopius, to whom he avows 
his doubts on the principal dogmata of orthodoxy, as well 
as in his controversy with Dr. John Edwards, who, having 
pierced the veil of the anonymous author, had treated him 
as a Socinian. Locke repels this appellation, sheltering him- 
self behind the authority of the Apostles' Creed, saying it is 

'^ Wallace, vol. iii. art. 356. 
P 2 


" well for the compilers of that Creed that they lived not in 
Mr. Edwards's days ; for he would, no doubt, have found 
them 'all over Socinianized.'" 

And now, how is the reserve of a Newton ^^ (1642 — 1724) 
to be explained? The explanation is, that men differ in 
assortment of qualities even more than in mental rank, and 
that character does not always keep pace with genius. It is 
well known that this great man was as timid in his actions 
as he was bold in his scientific conceptions. In November, 
1 690, he addressed to Locke his Historical Account of Two 
Notable Corruptio7is of Scripture. In this he demonstrates, 
by an almost mathematical process, that the passages i John 
v. 7 and I Timothy iii. 16 had suffered interpolations in the 
interest of the dogma of the Trinity. His manuscript was 
to have been forwarded anonymously to M. Le Clerc, of 
Amsterdam, to be translated into French and published. 
Scarcely, however, had the precious treatise reached Hol- 
land, than poor Newton was seized with terror at the thought 
that the authorship would be discovered, and that he would 
thus be drawn into a theological controversy. He imme- 
diately countermanded his instructions to Locke, and there- 
fore the work was not published until after his death. Post- 
humous, in like manner, were his Observatio7is ii-pon the Pro- 
phecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. yohn, in which 
the Unitarian tendency is very marked. Newton ought to 
have recollected these two passages of Scripture : " Nothing 
is hid that shall not be made manifest," and " Let your light 
shine before men." In the very year of Newton's death, 
Voltaire, who had just spent a year in England, wrote to M. 
Theriot: "The Arian party is beginning to revive in England, 
as well as in Holland and in Poland. The great Newton 
honoured this opinion by his approbation. This philosopher 

^3 Wallace, vol. iii. art. 357. 


thought that the Unitarians reasoned more geometrically 
than \ve."-^ 

Voltaire, who did not plume himself on being a theolo- 
gian, in his Letters confuses the Unitarians with the Arians, 
the Socinians and the Quakers. He understands well enough 
what these various sects have in common, namely, the denial 
of the Athanasian Trinity and the radical reformation of the 
Church in accordance with Scripture, but he does not seize 
the shades of thought which distinguish them one from the 
other. Accordingly it devolves upon us to recapitulate here 
the resemblances and the differences between these dissent- 
ing sects, which played so important a part during the period 
of the English Commonwealth, and in the formation of the 
great American Republic. 

Let us first of all put aside the Quakers, who in the seven- 
teenth century were, in some sort, the heirs of Anabaptism. 
We have already remarked that William Penn's thought 
oscillated between Socinianism and Trinitarian orthodoxy, 
and that he ended by falling into Sabellianism.-^ In Robert 
Barclay, the type of doctrine is more orthodox : he declares 
that the revelations of the Spirit can never be in contradic- 
tion to Scripture; yet he admits that Christ manifested him- 
self under a two-fold aspect, the man Jesus, the Almighty 

The points, then, which separate the English Unitarians 
from the Quakers are the following. First, the source of 
their faith is Holy Scripture, interpreted by sound reason, 
y' and not by the spontaneous movements of a Spirit within, 
very difficult to distinguish from the suggestions of our own 
private spirit. In the second place, agreeing with Acontius, 
they discard the complication of the persons in the Divine 

-0 Voltaire, Letter vii. on the English. Cf. Didionnairc Philosophique, 
art. Sociniens. 

-1 See Penn's No Cross, No Croivn, as quoted Ijy Ciuichard, Histoiredu 
Socinianisjiie, p. 135. 



essence, and maintain that Jesus was emphatically the Son, 
and subordinate to the Father. Lastly, following the tra- 
dition of St. Paul, they retain the two sacraments instituted 
V by Jesus Christ, and respect constituted authorities as deriv- 
ing their power from God. 

As regards the New-Arians, what we have said respecting 
the opinions of Clarke and the younger Sand proves that 
two points clearly distinguished them from the Unitarians, — 
the recognition of the authority of the ante-Nicene Fathers 
in matters of faith, and the belief in the pre-existence of 
Christ, which makes him a secondary and subordinate 
divinity. Clarke is to Newton what Arius is to Paul of 

Lastly, the important thing in relation to our subject is 
to apportion aright the share of the Socinian elements, and 
that of the English or Anglo-Italian elements, in the forma- 
tion of British Unitarian Christianity. In addition to the 
comparison between the Latin edition of the Racovian Cate- 
chism on the one hand, and the English edition and Bidle's 
Twofold Catechism on the other, we possess, for this purpose, 
an almost contemporary document, the testimony of Sir 
Peter Pett in the preface to his work on The Happy Future 
State of Ejigla?id (London, 1688). 

His account of the beliefs which bound together the ad- 
herents of John Bidle is as follows : 

" That the fathers under the old covenant had only temporal 
promises ; that saving faith consisted in universal obedience, 
performed according to the commands of God and Christ ; that 
Christ rose again only by the power of the Father, and not his 
own ; that justifying faith is not the pure gift of God, but maj' 
be acquired by men's natural abilities ; that faith cannot believe 
anything contrary to, or above reason ; that there is no original 
sin ; that Christ hath not the same body now in glory, in which 
he suffered and rose again ; that the saints shall not have the 
same body in heaven which they had on earth ; that Christ was 
not a Lord or King before his resurrection, or Priest before his 


ascension ; that the saints shall not, before the day of judgment, 
enjoy the bliss of heaven ; that God doth not certainly know 
future contingencies ; that there is not any authority of Fathers 
or General Councils in determining matters of faith ; that Christ, 
before his death, had not any dominion over the angels ; and 
that Christ, by dying, made not satisfaction for us."^^ 

From these pieces of evidence we conclude that five 
elementary principles were transmitted from Socinianism to 
the English Unitarians. The first two are, that there is no 
Cy other rule of faith but the Scripture, nor any other inter- 
^"■^ preter but reason; and that the aim of the Christian religion 
u/ is to conduct us to eternal life (but as the Lord Jesus will 
not have in his glory the same body as in his suffering, no 
more will the saints live again in heaven with the same 
flesh as here below). The other three elements are these : 
Saving faith consists in obedience to the commandments of 
God, and in imitation of Jesus Christ ; whence it follows 
that faith depends, in part, on the free efforts of the human 
will, and that in all the Churches salvation may be secured. 
There is but one sole person in the Divine essence, namely, 
the God of Israel, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and 
this God has no certain knowledge of future contingencies 
(thus predestination is rejected). Lastly, Jesus Christ, the 
iX only, but not the eternal. Son of God, had not to satisfy by 
his death the justice of God ; was not made Lord and King 
before his resurrection, nor High Priest before his ascension. 
But Bidle and the fathers of Anglo-Saxon Unitarianism 
excluded two Socinian ideas, — the invocation of Jesus Christ 
with the title of God, which they (like Ferencz David) con- 
sidered as an inconsistency ; and the natural mortality of 
man, and his condemnation to eternal death in consequence 

^- Wallace, vol. iii. pp. 186, 187. 


of Adam's sin.-^ On the other hand, they added two new 
ideas,— the conception of the Holy Spirit as the Prince of 
the angels of good and truth ; and the essential immortality 
of the soul, a doctrine which gives a possibility of salvation 
for all. It is this latter principle which has enabled the 
Unitarian Christianity of our century to make so much 
progress among the Quakers, Universalists and Baptists of 

23 [The declarations of Bidle, the practice of Firmin, and the language 
of the Unitarian Tracts (Wallace, i. 254), are all distinctly in favour of 
the invocation of Christ. On the other point there was some variety 
of opinion ; Bidle was very strong on the ultimate destruction of the 


We hope we have estabUshed our thesis that the dogma 
of the Divine unipersonahty is a conception formed by certain 
Spanish and ItaHan Protestants, and introduced by them 
y into the Strangers' Church in London, towards the middle 
of the sixteenth century. As regards the contrary opinion, 
we had refuted it, to begin with, by showing that this doc- 
trine had not had its sources either in England or in any 
other Teutonic country. We have, in the last place, endea- 
voured to explain how the fusion w\as effected between 
Socinianism, the last fruit of the tree of Lalian Protestantism, 
and the rational and universalist elements of Anglo-Saxon 
Christianity. This fusion, begun in the polemical writings 
of Bidle and the old Unitarian Tracts, matured by the 
theological writings of Milton, Locke and Newton in the 
seventeenth century, and in the eighteenth by those of 
Lardner, Lindsey and Priestley, reaches its more complete 
expression in the Unitarian Christianity of Channing and of 
Theodore Parker. 

Thus, from Ochino to Channing, as from Servetus to 
Parker, there is a filiation of doctrines of which we can 
follow the steps, without any break of continuity. The 
eminent Boston pastor has crowned the edifice whose first 
stones were laid, two centuries and a half before, by a few 
proscribed Lallans, exiles in London for the cause of the 
gospel. This, certainly, is a remarkable phenomenon of reli- 
gious acclimatisation ; an additional instance in proof of the 
powerlessness of brute force, the handmaid of intolerance, 
to put down an idea, true or false. You cannot stifle an 


idea by force of burnings or of excommunications ; an idea 
can be destroyed only by another idea ; or, to employ the 
fine phrase of Edgar Quinet, " In matter of religious opinion, 
that alone is killed which is replaced." Free discussion 
must be allowed to draw the line between error and truth. 

But, conversely, it does not always follow that because 
an idea has been persecuted and coerced, therefore it is 
true. Its resistance to the shocks of persecution proves but 
one thing, the moral dignity of the heretic, who will not 
yield to menace or even torture, and who knows how to 
die, like John Hus and Servetus, a martyr to his idea. 

In order that the justness of a religious idea may be 
established, it is still necessary to prove its conformity with 
human reason and with the Holy Scripture, that is to say, 
with the highest revelation of the divine Reason. It now 
remains for us to show that the Unitarian idea fulfils this 

I. A previous question which presents itself for considera- 
tion is, whether the work begun by the Italian Protestants 
and continued by the English Unitarians was a legitimate 
one. In other words, had these theologians the right to 
apply the incisive edge of criticism to the dogma of the 
Trinity as formulated in the SymbohUn Qidcuinipie 1 The 
answer depends upon the point of view at which we take 
our stand. 

From the Catholic point of view, the answer is not doubt- 
ful. Bossuet has not been slow to give it ; he declares in 
his Variations that the Unitarians are blasphemers of the 
Trinity, in revolt against the Roman Church and against 
God, justly hunted down by the tribunal of the Holy Office, 
and who found a refuge in Switzerland and Poland in the 
bosom of the Churches misnamed Reformed, of the Geneva 
pattern.^ And Pere Anastase Guichard does not hesitate 

^ Bossuet, Variations des Eglises pretcndues Reforiudes, bk. xv. p. 1 2j 


to say that the Socinians have merely renewed the heresies 
of Artemon, Theodotus of Byzantium, Paul of Samosata, 
and other monarchians of the second and third centuries. 
The moment we admit, outside the Bible and reason, a 
principle of authority in matter of dogma and interpretation, 
these condemnations are logical. 

But what appears strange is to hear Protestants disputing 
the right of other Protestants to touch the formula of the 
Trinity, a formula promulgated in Gaul during the first 
quarter of the ninth century, in the full swing of Catholicism. 
Is it not singular to hear a Calvinistic theologian, such as 
Voet, say, when speaking of the Unitarian tendencies of 
Acontius, " The snake in the grass is soon to be recognised, 
when we perceive that this man has not reckoned among 
fundamental articles the consubstantiality of the three divine 
persons ; and has not condemned the heresies of Arius, 
Photinus, Paul of Samosata," &c. ?2 For in the name of 
what principle did the Reformers separate themselves from 
the Roman Church ? It was in the name of the Word of 
God, revealed in the Old and New Testaments, and freely 
examined in the light of conscience and reason. And it is 
precisely on this principle that the Unitarians of all countries 
and all times have claimed the right to reject the " orthodox" 
formula of the Trinity ; for it is clear that there is nothing 
Biblical or Apostolic either in the terms or in the spirit of 
the Athanasian Creed. But it may be urged, if the terms 
Trinity, homoousios, eternal generation, are not in Scripture, 
at any rate the ideas corresponding to them are found there 
clearly expressed. Not at all : we have searched for them 
in vain ; and since the revision of the text and translation 
of the New Testament, that dogma has lost its strongest 
Biblical evidence. ^ The dogma of the Trinity is only an 

- Gisbert Voet, Selectis Disputaliones TheologiccB, 1648, vol. i. 501. 
^ Alex. Gordon, Christian Docti-ine in the Light of New Testament 
Revision: London, 1882. 


attempt on the part of theologians, from the third to the 
\/ ninth century, to explain the relations of God to the world. 
^ This dogma is not in the Bible ; such is the first argument 
which gives validity to Antitrinitarian criticism. Still further, 
before the Council of Nicaea, and even till Augustine, we do 
not find in the writings of the Fathers of the Church the 
dogmata of the divinity of Jesus Christ and the Trinity 
formulated in an explicit manner. At Rome, in the second 
century, Theodotus and Artemon openly professed Unita- 
rianism ; and the great doctor of Alexandria, Origen, while 
admitting the pre-existence of Jesus, conceived of the union 
of the two natures in Christ in a manner analogous to that 
admitted by the Quakers, which is evidently not Trinitarian. 
By the confession of the first author in whom we meet with 
the word Trinitas^ Tertullian, the advocates of the divine 
Monarchia expressed the sentiments of the majority of 
Christians in his time. In the third century, Unitarianism 
found an interpreter, at once learned and popular, in Paul 
of Samosata, the celebrated bishop of Antioch.* Why then 
should the modern Unitarians be refused a right, exercised 
by many Fathers during the first three centuries, the golden 
age of the Church ? Such is the second argument. 

And now for the third, which is, that the Reformers 
themselves were the first to use, in regard to the Trinity, 
that self-same right of free inquiry which they had claimed 
in reference to Catholic dogma in general. Our Introduc- 
tion has shown what embarrassment Melanchthon expe- 
rienced on the topic of this dogma, which appears quite 
foreign to the great question of sin and redemption, and 
to what tragedies the Wittenberg Reformer foresaw that it 
would give rise in the new Church. Erasmus, and Calvin 
following his steps, are bolder in their exegesis. They upset, 

* Reville, History of the Dogma of the Deity of Jesus Christ (English 
translation): London, 1878, p. 92. 


one by one, the interpretations which the scholastic doctors 
gave to the passages quoted in favour of the Trinity ; in 
such wise that this doctrine no longer holds its place with 
them except by the thread of tradition. Farel cuts this 
slender tie, and the Trinity passes away, in his Summary of 
truths essential to salvation. After all, however, the boldest 
in his criticism of the Trinitarian formula is Luther, who 
suppressed in his liturgy the invocation to the Trinity, and 
confessed, in his blunt frankness, that the name Trinity 
never occurs in the Scripture, but was conceived and invented 
by men ; that every article of faith must be founded on 
Scripture sayings ; and that it would be much better to say 
God than the Trinity.'^ 

® Luther's A^irtr/ien- Posit ^/e {Fredigt am Sonntag nach Pfingsten, soge- 
nannt S. dcr heiligen Dreifaltigkeit). " Man diesen Namen Dreifaltigkeit 
nirgeiid findet in der Schrift, sondern die Menschen haben ihn erdacht 
und erfunden. Darum lautet es zumal kalt, und viel besser sprache man 
Gott denn die Dreifaltigkeit. Diess Wort bebeutet aber dass Gott drei- 
faltig ist in den Personen. Das ist nun himmlisch Ding, das die Welt 
nicht verstehen kann. Darum habe ich eurer Liebe vor oft gesagt, dass 
man den und einen jeglichen Artikel des Glaubens griinden miisse, 
nicht auf die Vernunft oder Gleichniss; sondern fasse und grunde sie 
auf die Spriiche in der Schrift ; denn Gott vveiss wohl wie es ist ; und 
wie er von ihm selbst red en soli. Die hohen Schulen haben mancher- 
lei Distinctiones, Traume und Erdichtung erfunden ; damit sie haben 
wollen anzeigen die heihge Dreifaltigkeit, und sind dariiber zu Narren 
vvorden. " (Ed. Walch, vol. xi. 1549; ed. Erlangen, vol. xii. 378; cf. 
vol. vi. 230, et ix. i.) ["This name Trinity is never found in the Scrip- 
ture, but men have devised and invented it. Therefore it sounds some- 
what cold ; and it is much better to say God than Trinity. This word 
denotes, however, that God is three-fold in person. Now that is a 
heavenly matter, which the world cannot understand. Therefore have 
I told you often aforetime, beloved, that the articles of the faith one and 
all must not be grounded on reason and probability, but must be fixed 
and grounded on the sayings in the Scripture ; for God knows well how 
it is, and how to speak of Himself. The Schools have invented manifold 
distinctions, dreams and fictions, wherewith they have set themselves to 
show forth the Trinity, and thereby are become fools."] 


After Luther, we will cite only Schleiermacher, as a sample 
of many others. He relegates the examination of this 
dogma to a postscript in his Dogmatics, and declares inad- 
missible the traditional formula of the Trinity, which in his 
eyes has only the value of an insoluble problem.*^ 
^ II. Criticism of the dogma of the Trinity is therefore legi- 
timate. This appears to us superabundantly demonstrated, 
both by the logic of the Protestant principle, and by the 
example of the Reformers themselves. A second question 
remains for our examination : Is the solution of the problem 
of the relations between God and the human mind, proposed 
by the Italian Unitarians, including the Socinians, a satisfac- 
tory one ? Here we do not hesitate to answer in the nega- 
tive. In fact, the outcome of all the teachings of the Bible 
is, that God is no mere abstract, transcendent Being, seated 
in heaven above the visible world, but that He is per- 
petually revealing himself in Creation, the work of His wis- 
dom, and that He has revealed himself, in time, by Moses 
and the prophets, by Jesus Christ and the apostles. Such 
is the magnificent thought which the theologians of the first 
three centuries have expressed in the doctrine of the Logos 
or Word of God.'^ The Son is the Logos incarnate in Jesus 
Christ ; the Holy Spirit is the Logos immanent in the Church. 
So that Wisdom, Word, Holy Spirit, are but synonyms for 
one and the same idea — to wit, God manifesting himself to 
the world under this three-fold form, Creation, Jesus Christ, 
and the Christian Church. 

Thus far all is clear ; and, let us carefully note, the formula 
of baptism goes no further. It is limited to the expression 
of the revelation of God, in the universe under the name of 

" Schleiermacher, Glazibenslehre, vol. ii. 527 — 531. Cf. Channing, 
Christianity a Rational Religion, "I have done with the first objection," 

'' Scholten, De Leer der hei-vorinde Kerke : Leyden, 1862, vol. ii. 208. 
Cf. Schleiermacher, Glaitbenslehre, Conclusion. 


Father, in Jesus under the name of Son, and in the Church 
under the name of Holy Spirit, reserving to the Father all 
the same His absolute pre-eminence. 

But the Fathers of Nicsea and the theologians of a later 
day have set themselves to pass these limits imposed by the 
very wisdom of the divine Master ; they have pretended to 
know more details of his person and of his relations with his 
Father than he has himself declared. They have attributed 
to the Logos an individuality or hypostasis distinct from that 
of God, and an existence co-eternal with His ; a doctrine 
altogether contrary to the first conception of the divine Word, 
and resulting from its identification of it with Jesus Christ. 
After this, led into error by the use of two different epithets, 
they have made an arbitrary distinction between the Logos and 
the Paracletos, to which, under the name of Holy Spirit, they 
have attributed a distinct personality. 

Lastly, putting the finishing-touch to these distinctions 
and logomachies, they have placed these three terms in juxta- 
position, pretending that they are three hypostases, equal in 
duration and in power, of one and the same God. 

Ochino and Fausto Sozzini in the sixteenth century, and 
Schleiermacher and Baur^ in our own time, have had no 
difficulty in showing, i, that this Trinity in the One Being 
implies a contradiction in terms, and a change of condition 
inadmissible in the Being pre-eminently immutable ; 2, that 
the terms generation (of the Son) and procession (of the 
Holy Spirit) imply an idea of dependence incompatible with 
absolute equality among the three hypostases. 

On the other hand, the Italian Unitarians, notably the 
Socinians, aiming at a reaction against the Trinity in the 
name of cool reason, and without consulting the heart and 
conscience, fell into the opposite extreme. They confounded 
the terms hypostasis dindpersoji, and denied to the Holy Spirit 

** F. C. Baur, Die Christliche Lehre der Dreieinigkcit, vol. iii. 


all individuality, that is to say, any separate mode of exist- 
ence. They employed the term Holy Spirit simply as the 
specific term serving to designate the special graces which 
God bestows on men ; and, under cover of combatting the 
dualism of the natures in Christ, they went so far as to deny 
the existence of any divine essence in him. 

With Fausto Sozzini, the conclusion of the matter was, 
as we have seen, that Christ is a veritable man ; and not a 
mere man, in this sense, that he has a right to divine honours, 
by reason of his miraculous birth, and of the prophetic mis- 
sion with which he has been endowed. Thus, for Socinian- 
ism, revelation is reduced to a sort of mechanical operation, 
redemption to a juridical process, all living communication 
between God and the human soul is suppressed. The Soci- 
nians conceived the heavenly Father as a legislator seated 
far above humanity, or, according to Pascal's expression, as 
"a God far off" {Dieu de loin), who leaves us frigid and 
dumb, and does not invite us to prayer. 

These criticisms fully apply to the rationalistic system of 
Acontius and the Sozzini, and are equally applicable to the 
religion of causality, represented by Bidle, Locke and Priest- 
ley. Nevertheless, if we recollect the favourite idea of Ochino, 
Dei sermo interior, and his conception of God as Love, we 
shall note that his doctrine partly escapes these censures, 
and that there was in it a mystical element, of which, later 
on, advantage might be taken for the true solution of the 
relations of God with humanity. 

In fact, that which in Ochino was the result of a skilful 
balance between the reason and the heart, was effected among 
the Anglo-Saxon Unitarians by a happy combination of 
Italian rationalism with the mystical sense inherent in all 
the Teutonic races. 

Channing is, in our eyes, the finished type of this fusion. 
He corrects the dryness of the Socinian doctrine by the ten- 
derness of a heart which beats in unison wath the whole of 


sentient nature. He completes the idea of absolute causality, 
the sole aspect under which Priestley conceived of God, by 
the ideas of conscience and of moral freedom. Doubtless 
for him, as for Sozzini, God is the unipersonal Being, who 
could not share His attributes with any other being in the 
universe, not even with His Son ; but He is also the Father, 
full of love and mercy, who communicates His Holy Spirit, 
the Spirit of power and light, in all time and to all men. 
Jesus is emphatically the Son of God, in this sense, that he 
was one with the Father in affection and will ; and the Son 
of Man, because he partook of the same circumstances and 
the same trials that we experience, and because he was united 
to mankind by the bonds of a deep community and sympathy. 
With regard to the relations between celestial spirits and 
men, Channing, without attempting to sound the unfathom- 
able, inclines to the belief that " all minds are of one family ;" 
that the angelic nature and human nature are of one and the 
same essence ; in fine, that the inhabitants of the invisible 
W'orld are in constant communication with our own.'' By 
this doctrine he bridges the gulf that Socinianism had laid 
open between heaven and earth. Channing acknowledges 
the principle of divine immanence. 

III. When we consider that Unitarian Christianity was 
represented in the middle of the sixteenth century by a 
handful of Spaniards and Italians, almost all martyrs to their 
faith, whom the Roman Inquisition had proscribed and the 
Calvinist and Zwinglian Churches repulsed, whereas to-day 
it counts many hundreds of thousands of adherents in all 
the Protestant communities, and forms flourishing Churches 
in Transylvania, Great Britain and the United States, — when 
we observe the enthusiasm with which the centennial of the 

^ For the development of Unitarian Christianity from Bidle and Locke 
to Channing and Parker, see J. Martineau, Three Stages of Unitarian 
Tlieology: London, 1869. Cf. R. Spears, Historical Sketch, iit. sup. 



birth of William Ellery Channing was celebrated a few years 
ago/° and the success attained by the translations of his 
works with the French Protestant public, and even in more 
extensive Catholic circles, — it will be impossible for us to 
treat this doctrine with the disdain affected by certain Cal- 
vinist and Lutheran theologians. This is a proper case for 
the application of the precept of the wise Gamaliel : " If 
this counsel or this work be of men, it will be overthrown ; 
but if it is of God, ye will not be able to overthrow them." 
r After three centuries of furious conflict between the adver- 
j saries and the partisans of the Trinity, the divine truth 
1 immanent in history has pronounced its verdict : the Atha- 
/ nasian Creed is condemned, and will not recover from the 
^ universal discredit into which it has fallen. However, we 
must not make the mistake of thinking that the dogma of 
the Divine unipersonality is the fundamental idea of Unita- 
rian Christianity ; it is simply its distinguishing characteristic. 
For, with Acontius and Fausto Sozzini, it did not even form 
one of the articles of faith which they judged essential to 
salvation ; their criterion in matters of faith was what con- 
duced to eternal life. 

But there was a feeling common to all these Unitarians, 
which was, as it were, the ruling passion of their soul — this 
was the sentiment of catholicity. By tliis we are to under- 
stand the consciousness they possessed of the universality 
of the gospel of salvation, and of the spiritual bond which 
should unite all Christians within one Church, broader than 
any of the separate Churches. This is an eminently evan- 
gelical thought ; and the Lord Jesus has himself expressed 
it, as a wish, in his prayer of sacrifice, " that they may all be 
one ; even as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee ;" and 

1" See the volumes of reports of the Centenary Commemoration of 
the Birth of W. E. Channing (7 April, 1780), published in England and 
America (1880). 


as a prophecy, in this saying, " they shall become one flock, 
one shepherd." Now it is to be remarked that this sen- 
timent appears much more strong and deep among the 
Protestants of Latin race than among the Reformers of pure 
Germanic race. These latter take part more readily in the 
divisions and subdivisions of the Church, and do not offer 
sufficient resistance to the exaggeration of the principle of 
individualism ; the former, on the contrary, as if they retained 
something of that idea of cosmopolitan centralisation which 
made the greatness of the Roman people, feel a deep need 
of the approach and reunion of the various Churches, on the 
one foundation than which none other can be laid. Thence 
arise the eirenical overtures put forth by Unitarians of every 
age. As Mr. Gordon well says, speaking of Servetus and 
other Unitarian leaders, " They left Rome not to join Luther. 
They brushed aside the Trinitarian dogma in their haste to 

get at Christ Their idea was to rally and re-inspirit 

the Christian mind by recalling the primary allegiance of the 
Christian heart. Let Christ be known in his true self, and 
neither the pure majesty of Christian truth, nor the sure bond 
of Catholic unity, could fail."^^ 

Bernardino Ochino is not less straitened than Servetus in 
all the separate Churches, and he aspires after the union of 
all Christians through the love of God and a living faith in 
Christ. "These forty years," he writes in 1561, "have many 
Churches reformed themselves, and all think themselves most 
perfect, especially as regards doctrine ; and yet they herein 
differ so much, that each of them condemns as heretical 
all the other Churches which do not accept its doctrines." 
" There is only one way of uniting all in Christ, and that is 
to show that man may be loved, justified and saved by God, 

" Theolog. Review, April, 1878, art. Miguel Servcto. Cf. Tollin, Das 
Characterbild M. Servcts. 

Q 2 


whether he beUeve in the Real Presence or no."^- A maxim 
which, in his thought, was appHed to all doctrines which are 
not expressly mentioned in the Bible. 

This severance which Ochino recommended between the 
points that are essential and common to all the Churches 
and the accessories which divide them, Acontius, his disciple 
and friend, took pains to effect in his fine book, the Strata- 
gemata. He, too, deplores all the party names, all the hos- 
tile Confessions of Faith, which the Protestant sects have 
adopted ; he sees the advantage which their Catholic oppo- 
nents cleverly derive from this state of things ; and he would 
fain re-unite them all in a single Confession of Faith, on the 
basis of Holy Scripture. Listen to this eirenical appeal : 

" If there is one God, one Christ, one Baptism, one Faith, 
what is the object (says the adversary) of all these various 
denominational confessions?" "If the Churches among which 
there is agreement about those heads of doctrine, the knowledge 
of which is essential to salvation, could hold these also as one 
common Confession of Faith, in order that, as in fact they 
belong to one body as it were, they might also appear so, I 
should not disapprove. But since this may not be, I had rather 
there were no Confession than so many. . . . Assuredly such an 
accord of the Churches would compose many verbal disputes of 
men, and would remove many and great obstacles which won- 
derfully retard the course of the Gospel." ^^ 

As regards Fausto Sozzini, the broadness of the conception 
which he had formed of the Church is well known. He 
energetically disclaimed having entertained the desire of 
founding a new sect, and refused to join any of the separate 
Churches which existed in Poland in his time, remarking, 

■'^ Di sputa di M. Bernardino Ochino da Siena intorno alia presenza 
del Corpo di Giesu Christo nel Sacramento delta Cena, quoted in Ben- 
rath's Ochino, pp. 281 and 278. 

^■* Stratagemata, bk. vii. pp. 331, 333, 334 (cd. Grasser). 


' I do not entirely belong to any sect." He thought, with 
Ochino and Acontius, that whoever believes and acts in 
accordance with his personal faith in the Christ of the 
Gospels, may be saved, to whatever Church he belongs. 
Faithful to this catholic feeling of the Sozzini, the Polish 
ISrethren, even after their exodus into Transylvania, preserved 
to their Church the name of Codiis Christianoriim Catho- 
licoriaii, " quos Unitarios vocant," and set forth their faith 
under the title of a Confcssio Fidei Exiilum Christi, qui ab 
ejus sanctissi7iio nomine Christiani tantuni appellari amant}^ 

Such is the grand and beautiful idea of unity in diversity 
with which the Italian Unitarians, during their exile in 
London, inoculated the Anglo-Saxon genius. It rightly indi- 
cates, in our opinion, the important part which is reserved for 
Unitarian Christianity in the religious crisis of our time. 

The Unitarians are those who, in virtue of their very 
name and of their principles, may prevent an impending 
divorce between science and the gospel,- between reason 
and faith. It is for men of their way of thinking, who are 
to be found in all the Churches, to bring the various 
Christian denominations nearer to each other, on the basis 
of the gospel, interpreted by conscience and reason. 

Channing had a vision of this magnificent ideal when he 
wrote his beautiful discourse on the Church : 

" There is a grander Church than all particular ones, howe\-er 
extensive — the Church Catholic, or Universal, spread over all 
lands, and one with the Church in heaven. All Christ's followers 

form one body, onefold Into this Church, all who partake 

the spirit of Christ are admitted. ... No man can be excom- 
municated from it but by himself, by the death of goodness in 
his own breast." 

To this voice from across the ocean respond the impres- 
sive tones of Alexandre Vinet, who also is a prophet of 

" Theolog. Review, Oct. 1879, PP- 568, 569. 


unity in freedom, when he says, " The Church of free inquiry 
should never be anything but a society of consciences. 
Either it must abjure its own principle, or else it must 
consent to liberty. Its head is either in Rome or else in 
Heaven. Protestantism for me is but my starting-point ; 

my religion is something beyond this I might, as a 

Protestant, hold Catholic opinions, and who shall say that I 
do not?"*^ 

"To unity through freedom" — this, in our judgment, is 
the very motto of Unitarian Christianity ; and this idea 
contains the whole future of the Church. 

^5 Esprit (TAlex. Vinet, ed. Astie, vol. i. 304, 389. 


(P. 33-) 

Extract from Confession of John Tyball [Theobald], of Bumstede-ad- 
Turrim [Steeple Bumpstead], made and subscribed by the said John 
before the Reverend Father in Christ, Cuthbert [Tonstall], Lord. 
Bishop of London, in the Chapel belou- the Palace at London, 28 Aug. 
A. D. 1528. (Given in Strype, Eccles. Memorials, ed. 1822, i., part 2, 
app. 17.) 

" Furthermore, he saythe, that, at Mychaelmasse last past was 
twelve monethe, this respondent and Thomas Hilles came to 
London to Frear Barons, then being at the Freers Augustines 
in London, to buy a New Testament in Englishe, as he saythe. 
And they found the sayd Freer Barons in his chamber ; wheras 
there was a merchant man, reading in a boke, and ii. or iii. more 
present. And when they came in, the Frear demawnded them, 
from whence they cam. And they said, from Bumstede ; and 
so forth in communication they desyred the sayd Freer Barons, 
that thy myght be aquaynted with hym ; because they had herd 
that he was a good man ; and bycause they wold have his 
cownsel in the New Testament, which they desyred to have of 

"And he saithe, that the sayd Frear Barons did perseve ver^^ 
well, that Thomas Hilles and this respondent were infected with 
opinions, bycause they wold have the New Testament. And 
then farther, they shewyed the sayd Frear, that one Sir Richard 
Fox Curate of Bumstede, by ther means, was wel entred in ther 
lernyng ; and sayd, that they thowghte to gett hym hole in shorte 
space. Wherfore they desyry-d the sayd Frear Barons to make 
a letter to hym, that he wold continew in that he had begon- 


Which Frear did promyse so to wryte to hym a letter at after- 
noone, and to gete them a New Testament. 

"And then after that communication, the sayd Thomas Hilles 
and this respondent shewyd the Frear Barons of certayne old 
bookes that they had : as of iiii. Evangelistes, and certayne 
Epistles of Peter and Poule in Englishe. Which bookes the 
sayd Frear dyd litle regard, and made a twyte of it, and sayd, 
A poynt for them, for they be not to be regarded toward the 
new printed Testament in Englishe. For it is of more cleyner 
Englishe. And then the sayd Frear Barons delyverid to them 
the sayd New Testament in Englyshe : for which they payd iiii'. 
ud. and desyred them, that they wold kepe yt close. For he 
wolde be loth that it shold be knowen, as he now remembreth. 
And after the delyverance of the sayd New Testament to them, 
the sayd Frear Barons did lyken the New Testament in Latyn 
to a cymbal tynkkling, and brasse sowndyng. But what farther 
exposytion he made uppon it, he cannot tell. 

"And then at afternone they fett the sayd letter of the sayd 
Frear ; which he wrote to Sir Richard ; and red that openly 
before them : but he doth not now remember what was in the 
same. And so departed from hym ; and did never since speke 
with hym, or write to hym, as he saithe." 

(P. 41.) 

Extract from the Preface of Erasmus to the Works of St. Hilary; 
addressed to Giovanni Carondileto, Archbishop of Palermo. {Divi 
Hilarii Pictauorum Episcopi Lucubrationes per Desid. Erasmuvi 
Roterodainum . . . eine?idatas, &c. Basel: Froben, 1523, p. aa6.) 

" In his evolvendis, illud obiter subiit animum meum, for- 
tasse non defuturos qui mirentur, quum tot libris, tanto studio 
tantoque molimine, tot argumentis, tot sententiis, tot anathe- 
matis agatur, ut credamus Filium esse verum Deum, ejusdem 
essentice, sive, ut aliquoties loquitur Hilarius, ejusdem generis, 
aut naturae cum Patre, quod Graeci vocant 'O/iovo-toj', potentia, 

APPENDIX 11. 233 

sapientia, bonitate, a^ternitate, immortalitate, ca:tensque rebus 
omnibus parem : de Spiritu Sancto interim vix ulla fiat mentio : 
cum tota controversia de cognomine veri Dei, de cognomine 
homusii, de asqualitate, non minus pertineat ad Spiritum quam 
ad Filium. 

" Imo nusquam scribit adorandum Spiritum Sanctum, nus- 
quam tribuit Dei vocabulum, nisi quod uno aut altero loco in 
Sjnodis refert improbatos eos, qui Patrem, Filium et Spiritum 
Sanctum auderent dicere tres Deos : sive quia putarit turn 
magis patrocinandum Filio, cujus humana natura faciebat, ut 
difficilius persuaderetur Deum esse, qui idem esset homo .... 
sive hfec veterum religio fuit, ut licet Deum pie venerarentur, 
nihil tamen de eo pronunciare auderent, quod non esset aperte 
traditum in sacris voluminibus. In quibus ut aliquoties Filio 
tribuitur Dei cognomen, ita Spiritui Sancto nusquam aperte : 
etiam si post orthodoxorum pia curiositas idoneis argumentis 
comperit e sacris literis, in Spiritum Sanctum competere quicquid 
Filio tribuebatur, excepta personarum proprietate. 

"Sed, ob impervestigabilem rerum divinarum obscuritatem, in 
nominibus tribuendis erat religio : de re divina nefas esse duce- 
bant aliis verbis loqui, quam sacrte Literse loquerentur. Spiritum 
Sanctum legerant, Spiritum Dei legerant, Spiritum Christi lege- 
rant. Didicerant ex Evangelio, Spiritum Sanctum non seiungi 
a Patre et Filio. Docentur enim apostoli baptizare in nomine 
Patris et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Servant trium personarum 
consortium solennes illee precute, ex antiquissimo Ecclesias ritu 
nobis relictfe, breves iuxta ac doctje, in quibus Pater rogatur per 
Filium, in unitate Spiritus Sancti. Pater frequentissime Deus 
vocatur, Filius aliquoties, Spiritus Sanctus nunquam. 

"Atque hsec dixerim, non ut in dubium vocem, quod nobis e 
divinis literis Patrum orthodoxorum tradidit autoritas ; sed ut 
ostendam quanta fuerit antiquis religio pronunciandi de rebus 
divinis, quum sanctius etiam eas colerent quam nos, qui hue 
audaciaj prorupimus, ut non vereamur Filio prrescribere, quibus 
modis debuerit honorare matrem suam. Audemus Spiritum 
Sanctum appellare Deum verum, quod veteres ausi non sunt : 
sed iidem non veremur ilium subinde nostris sceleribus ex animi 
nostri templo deturbare, perinde quasi crederemus Spiritum 
Sanctum nihil aliud esse, quam inane nomen. Quemadmodum 


plerique veterum, qui summa pietate colebant Filium, tamen 
homusion dicere verebantur, quod ea vox nusquam in sacris 
literis haberetur. Adeo prior fuit Ecclesise profectus in puritate 
vitse, quam in exacta cognitione divinitatis ; nee unquam plus 
accepit dispendii quam quum in eruditione philosophica, demum 
et in opibus hujus mundi, quam maxime promovisse videbatur." 


" In the course of this investigation it has come into my 
mind by the way, that perhaps there will not be wanting some 
to wonder, while in so many books, with so much zeal and 
pains, by so many arguments, so many opinions, so many ana- 
themas, we are urged to believe the Son to be True God, of the 
same essence (or, as Hilary sometimes speaks, of the same 
genus or nature) with the Father, which the Greeks call hoino- 
ousws, equal [to Him] in power, wisdom, goodness, eternity, 
immortality, and all things else— meantime scarce any mention 
is made of the Holy Spirit, though the whole controversy con- 
cerning the appellation True God, the appellation hoinoousios, 
and the equality, relates not less to the Spirit than to the Son. 

" In fact [Hilary] nowhere writes that the Holy Spirit is to be 
adored, and nowhere applies [to the Spirit] the word God (unless 
that in one or two places in the De Syirodis he states that those 
were censured who dared to call the Father, Son, and Holy 
Spirit, three Gods) ; whether because he thought it more neces- 
sary at that time to protect the Son, whose human nature made 
it more difficult to persuade men that he is God, who at the 
same time was man .... or whether it was a scruple with the 
ancients that, albeit they piously venerated God, they yet dared 
not pronounce anything concerning H im, that had not been openly 
delivered in the sacred volumes. Wherein, while sometimes to 
the Son the appellation God is applied, still [it is] nowhere openly 
[given] to the Holy Spirit ; although afterwards the pious inqui- 
sitiveness of the orthodox ascertained, by fitting arguments from 
the sacred writings, that whatever was attributed to the Son 
belongs to the Holy Spirit, the individuality of the persons being 

" But, from the unsearchable obscurity of divine things, there 


Mas a scruple in applying [certain] terms ; they judged it a pro- 
fanity to'speak on a divine matter in other words than the sacred 
writings spoke. They had read ' Holy Spirit,' they had read ' Spirit 
of God,' they had read ' Spirit of Christ.' They had learned from 
the Gospel that the Holy Spirit is not disjoined from the Father 
and the Son. For the Apostles are taught to baptise in the name 
of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. The association 
of the three persons is maintained in those solemn prayers, brief 
and learned, which are left to us from the most august rite of 
the Church ; wherein the Father is petitioned ' through the Son, 
in unity of the Holy Spirit.' The Father is with the utmost 
frequency called God, the Son sometimes, the Holy Spirit never. 
" And these things I would say, not to call in question what 
the authority of the orthodox Fathers has delivered to us in the 
divine writings, but to show how great v/as the scruple of the 
ancients about pronouncing on divine things, inasmuch as they 
reverenced them yet more religiously than we do, who have run 
out to such a length of audacity that we are not afraid to dictate 
to the Son in what ways he ought to honour his own mother. 
We dare to call the Holy Spirit True God, which the ancients 
did not dare [to do] ; but at the same time we are not afraid of 
continually by our wickednesses thrusting him out of the temple 
of our mind, just as if we thought the Holy Spirit was nothing 
else than an empty name. In like manner, many of the ancients, 
who reverenced the Son with the highest degree of piety, were 
yet afraid to call him homooiisios [consubstantial], because that 
expression was nowhere employed in the sacred writings. Thus 
the Church's proficiency in purity of life was earlier than [her 
advance] in exact knowledge of di\inity ; nor was she ever more 
at a discount [in character] than when she seemed to have made 
the greatest strides both in philosophic erudition and in this 
world's wealth to boot." 



(Pp. 61, 121.) 

Letters Patent of Edward VI., constituting the Strangers' Church in 
London, 1550. (Taken from Utenhove's Simplex et Fidelis Narratio 
de . . . . Belgarit7n aliorwnque Peregri7iortunhi Anglia Ecclesia, Basel, 
1560, collated with Kuyper's y^rtww^'j rt Lasco, vol. ii. See also Burnet, 
ii. 2, 158, for a still better text; and Collier, ix. 276, for a French dupli- 

"Eduardus Sextus, Dei gratia Anglise, Francise, Hibernian 
rex, fidei defensor, et, in terra, Ecclesi^ Anglicanee et Hibernicaj 
supremum, sub Christo, caput, omnibus ad quos praesentes literee 
pervenerint, salutem. 

" Cum magncB qusedam et graves considerationes nos ad prse- 
sens specialiter impulerunt, turn etiam cogitantes illud, quanto 
studio et charitate christianos principes in sacrosanctum Dei 
evangelium et religionem apostolicam ab ipso Christo inchoatam, 
institutam et traditam, animatos et prepenses esse conveniat, 
sine qua baud dubie politia et civile regnum neque consistere 
diu, neque nomen suum tueri potest, nisi principes, casterique 
prEepotentes viri, quos Deus ad regnorum gubernacula sedere 
voluit, id imprimis operam dent, ut per totum reipublicae corpus 
casta synceraque religio diffundatur, et ecclesia in vere christianis 
et apostolicis opinionibus et ritibus instituta atque adulta, per 
sanctos ac carni et mundo mortuos ministros conser\'etur. 

" Pro eo quod christiani principis officium statuimus, inter alias 
suas gravissimas de regno suo bene splendideque administrando 
cogitationes etiam religioni, et religionis causa calamitate fractis 
et afflictis exulibus consulere, Sciatis, 

" (2uod, non solum pra3missa contemplantes, et ecclesiain a 
Papatus tyrannide per nos vindicatam in pristina libertate con- 
servare cupientes ; verum etiam exulum ac peregrinorum con- 
ditionem miserantes, qui jam bonis temporibus in regno nostro 
Anglise commorati sunt voluntario exilio, religionis et ecclesiaj 
causa mulctati ; quia hospites et exteros homines propter Christi 
evangelium ex patria sua profligatos et eiectos, et in regnum 
nostrum profugos, proesidiis ad vitam degendam necessariis in 
regno nostro egere, non dignum esse, neque christiano homine 
neque principis magnificentia duximus, cuius liberalitas nullo 


modo in tali rerum statu restricta clausave esse debet ; ac 
quoniam multi Germanse nationis homines, ac alii peregrini 
(qui confluxerunt, et in dies singulos confluunt in regnum 
nostrum Anglise, ex Germania et aliis remotioribus partibus 
in quibus Papatus dominatur, evangelii libertas labefactari et 
premi coepta est) non habent certam sedem et locum in regno 
nostro, ubi conventus sues celebrare valeant, ubi inter sure gentis 
et modern! idiomatis homines religionis negocia et res ecclesias- 
ticas pro patrioj ritu et more intelligenter obire et tractare pos- 
sint ; idcirco de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia et mero 
motu nostris, 'necnon de advisamento Consilii nostri, volumus, 
concedimus et ordinamus : 

" Quod de c;i3tero sit et erit unum templum, sive s^cra oedes 
in civitate nostra Londinensi quod vel quae vocabitur ' Templum 
Domini lesu,' ubi congregatio et conventus Germanorum et 
aliorum peregrinorum fieri et celebrari possit, ea intentione et 
proposito ut a Ministris Ecclesice Germanorum aliorumque Pere- 
grinorum sacrosancti evangelii incorrupta interpretatio, sacra- 
mentorum juxta verbum Dei et apostolicam observationem 
administratio fiat : ac templum illud, sive sacram aedem illam 
de uno Superintendente et quatuor verbi Ministris erigimus, 
creamus, ordinamus et fundamus per praisentes ; 

" Et quod idem Superintendens et Ministri in re et nomine sint 
et erunt unum corpus corporatum et politicum de se, per nomen 
' Superintendentis et Ministrorum Ecclesia) Germanorum et ali- 
orum Peregrinorum ex fundatione Regis Eduardi sexti :' in civi- 
tate Londinensi per prassentes incorporamus, ac corpus cor- 
poratum et politicum, per idem nomen realiter et ad plenum 
creamus, erigimus, ordinamus, facimus et constituimus per prae;- 
sentes ; et quod successionem habeant. 

" Et ulterius de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia et 
mero motu nostris, necnon de advisamento Consilii nostri, dedi- 
mus et concessimus, ac per prsesentes damus et concedimus 
prsefato Superintendenti et Ministris Ecclesise Germanorum et 
aliorum Peregrinorum in civitate Londinensi, totum illud tem- 
plum sive ecclesiam, nuper Fratrum Augustinensium in civitate 
nostra Londinensi, ac totam terram, fundum et solum ecclesi-'e 
prsedictse, exceptis toto choro dictaj ecclesice, terris, fundo et solo 
eiusdem, habendum et gaudendum : dictum templum sive eccle- 


siam, ac Ccetera prcemissa, exceptis prjeexceptis, prsefatis Super- 
intendenti et Ministris et successoribus suis, tenendum de nobis, 
hasredibus et successoribus nostris, in puram et liberam elee- 

" Damus ulterius de advisamento pra^dicto, ac ex certa scientia 
et mero motu nostris prsedictis per praesentes concedimus pr^e- 
fatis Superintendenti et Ministris, et successoribus suis, plenam 
facultatem, potestatem et autoritatem ampliandi et maiorem 
faciendi numerum ministrorum, et nominandi et appunctuandi 
de tempore in tempus tales et huius modi subministros ad ser- 
viendum in temple pra;dicto, quales pra^fatis Superintendenti et 
Ministris necessarium visum fuerit ; et quidem haec omnia iuxta 
beneplacitum regium. 

"Volumus prasterea, quod loannes a Lasco, natione Polonus, 
homo propter integritatem et innocentiam vitse ac morum, et 
singularem eruditionem valde Celebris, sit primus et modernus 
Superintendens dictce Ecclesi^e : et quod Gualterus Deloenus, 
Martinus Flandrus, Franciscus Riverius, Richardus Callus, sint 
quatuor primi et moderni Ministri. 

" Damus prasterea et concedimus prasfatis Superintendenti et 
Ministris, et successoribus suis, facultatem, autoritatem et licen- 
tiam, post mortem vel vacationem alicuius ministri preedictorum, 
de tempore in tempus eligendi, nominandi et surrogandi alium, 
personam habilem et idoneum, in locum suum ; ita tamen quod 
persona sic nominatus et electus prtesentetur et sistatur coram 
nobis, hasredibus vel successoribus nostris, et per nos, hasredes 
vel successores nostros, instituatur in ministerium prsdictum. 

" Damus etiam et concedimus praefatis Superintendenti, Minis- 
tris, et successoribus suis, facultatem, autoritatem et licentiam, 
post mortem seu vacationem Superintendentis de tempore in 
tempus eligendi, nominandi et surrogandi alium, personam 
doctum et gravem in locum suum ; ita tamen quod persona sic 
nominatus et electus prajsentetur et sistatur coram nobis, hasre- 
dibus vel successoribus nostris, et per nos, hseredes vel succes- 
sores nostros, instituatur in officium Superintendentis pra;dictum. 

" Mandamus, et firmiter iniungendum prsecipimus, tum Maiori, 
Vicecomitibus et Aldermanis civitatis nostras Londinensis, tum 
Episcopo Londinensi et successoribus suis, cum omnibus aliis, 
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, justiciariis, officiariis et ministris nos- 


tris quibuscumque, quod permittant praefatis Superintendenti et 
Ministris, et successoribus suis libere et quiete frui, gaudere, uti 
et exercere ritus et ceremonias suas proprias, et disciplinam 
ecclesiasticam propriam et peuliarem, non obstante quod non 
conveniant cum ritibus et ceremoniis in regno nostro usitatis, 
absque impeditione, perturbatione aut inquietatione eorum, vel 
eorum alicuius ; aliquo statuto, actu, proclamatione, injunctione, 
restrictione, seu usu in contrarium inde antehac habitis, factis, 
editis seu promulgatis in contrarium non obstantibus, eo quod 
expressa mentio de vero valore annuo, aut de certitudine pras- 
missorum, sive eorum alicuius, aut de aliis donis sive conces- 
sionibus per nos prsefatis Superintendenti, Ministris et succes- 
soribus suis, ante haec tempora factis, in prassentibus minime 
facta existit ; aut aliquo statuto, actu, ordinatione, provisione, 
sive restrictione inde in contrarium factis, editis, ordinatis seu 
provisis, aut aliqua alia re, causa vel materia quocumque in 
aliquo non obstante. 

" In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus 

" Teste me ipso, apud Leighes, vicesimo quarto die Julii, anno 
regni nostri quarto. 

" Per breve de privato sigillo, et de datis pracdicta autoritate 

" P. Southwell. W. Harrys." 


" Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, 
France and Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme 
head, under Christ, of the Church of England and Ireland, to all 
to whom these letters present may come, sendeth greeting. 

" Whereas certain great and weighty considerations have at 
this present especially moved us, moreover also thinking with 
what zeal and love it behoveth Christian princes to be animated 
and disposed towards the most holy Gospel of God, and the 
apostolic religion begun, instituted and delivered by Christ him- 
self, without which, doubtless, the state and civil rule can neither 
long hold together nor preserve its prestige, unless princes, and 
the other powerful magnates whom God hath pleased to set at 
the helms of kingdoms, make it their first care that through the 


whole body of the commonwealth pure and undefiled religion be 
diffused, and that the Church, instituted and matured in truly 
Christian and apostolic opinions and rites, be preserved by holy 
ministers, dead to the flesh and the world : 

" Forasmuch as we conclude that it is the duty of a Christian 
prince, among his other most weighty designs for the good and 
illustrious administration of his kingdom, also to provide for 
religion, and for exiles broken by calamity and afflicted in the 
cause of religion, Know ye, 

"That, not only having in view the matters aforesaid, and 
desiring to preserve in its original freedom the Church which has 
by us been liberated from the tyranny of the Papacy ; but also 
commiserating the condition of exiles and strangers, who have 
sojourned this good while in our kingdom of England in volun- 
tSLVj' exile, punished in the cause of religion and the Church ; 
for, that visitors and foreigners, ruined and ejected from their 
own country on account of the Gospel of Christ, and coming as 
fugitives to our kingdom, are here in want of essential securities 
of life, we have judged unworthy either of a Christian man, or 
of the magnificence of a prince, whose liberality ought in such 
a state of things to be in no way restricted or close ; and since 
many men of German race, and other strangers (who have 
flocked, and do every day flock, into our kingdom of England 
out of Germany and other more distant parts in which the 
Papacy hath sway, the freedom of the Gospel is begun to be 
subverted and oppressed) have no fixed seat and locality in 
our kingdom, where they are authorised to solemnise their own 
assemblies, where among men of their own nation and ordinary 
idiom they can intelligently execute and transact the affairs of 
religion and ecclesiastical concerns in accordance with the ritual 
and usage of their own country ; therefore, of our special grace, 
and from our own assured knowledge, and of our own mere 
motion, at the same time by the advice of our Council, we do 
will, grant and ordain : 

" That henceforward there may and shall be a temple or 
sacred edifice in our city of London, which shall be called the 
' Temple of the Lord Jesus,' where the congregation and assem- 
bly of Germans and other strangers may be held and solemnised, 
with this intention and purpose, that by the Ministers of the 


Church of Germans and other Strangers there may be rendered 
an incorrupt interpretation of the most holy Gospel, and an 
administration of the sacraments according to the word of God, 
and the apostolic observance : and this temple or sacred edifice, 
of one Superintendent and four Ministers of the word, we do 
erect, create, ordain and found by these presents ; 

"And that the said Superintendent and Ministers may and 
shall be in fact and name a body corporate and politic of them- 
selves, by the name of 'The Superintendent and Ministers of the 
Church of Germans and other Strangers on the foundation of 
King Edward the Sixth :' by these presents we do incorporate 
them in the city of London, and we do by these presents really 
and fully create, erect, ordain, make and constitute them a body 
corporate and politic by the said name ; and that they may have 

"And furthermore of our special grace and from our own 
assured knowledge and of our own mere motion, at the same 
time with the advice of our Council, we have given and granted, 
and by these presents we do give and grant to the aforesaid 
Superintendent and Ministers of the Church of Germans and 
other Strangers in the city of London, all that temple or church 
lately of the Austin Friars in the city of London, and all the 
land, ground and soil of the aforesaid church, except all the 
choir of the said church, the lands, ground and soil of the same, 
to have and to enjoy : the said temple or church and the other 
premises, except the before excepted, to be holden by the afore- 
said Superintendent and Ministers and their successors, of us, 
our heirs and successors, in pure frank-almoin. 

" We do furthermore give, by advice as aforesaid, and from 
our certain knowledge and of our mere motion, as aforesaid, we 
do by these presents grant to the aforesaid Superintendent and 
Ministers, and to their successors, full faculty, power and autho- 
rity of enlarging and making greater the number of Ministers, 
and of nominating and appointing from time to time such and 
such sub-ministers for serving in the aforesaid temple, as to 
the aforesaid Superintendent and Ministers shall have seemed 
necessary ; and, moreover, all this with concurrence of the king's 
good pleasure. 

" We do will besides that Jan Laski, a native of Poland, a man 


of high repute for integrity and innocence of Hfe and morals, 
and for singular erudition, be the first and customary Superin- 
tendent of the said Church; and that Wouter Deloen, Marten 
[Microen] of Flanders, Frangois La Riviere and Richard Fran- 
cois, be the four first and ordinary Ministers. 

" We do besides give and grant to the aforesaid Superinten- 
dent and Ministers, and to their successors, faculty, authority 
and licence, after the death or demission of any minister of the 
aforesaid, for choosing, nominating and surrogating into his 
place from time to time another, an able and suitable person ; 
so, nevertheless, that the person thus nominated and chosen be 
presented and appear before us, our heirs or successors, and by 
us, our heirs or successors, be instituted into the aforesaid 

" We do also give and grant to the aforesaid Superintendent, 
Ministers, and their successors, faculty, authority and licence, 
after the death or demission of a Superintendent, for choosing, 
nominating and surrogating into his place from time to time 
another, a learned and grave person ; so, nevertheless, that the 
person thus nominated and chosen be presented and appear 
before us, our heirs or successors, and by us, our heirs or succes- 
sors, be instituted into the aforesaid office of Superintendent. 

" We do command, and order that it be strongly enjoined both 
on the Mayor, Sherififs and Aldermen of our city of London, and 
on the Bishop of London and his successors, with all others. 
Archbishops, Bishops, justices, officers and ministers of ours 
whatsoever, that they permit the aforesaid Superintendent and 
Ministers and their successors freely and quietly to indulge, 
enjoy, use and exercise their own proper rites and ceremonies, 
and their proper and peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, notwith- 
standing that these may not agree with the rites and ceremonies 
practised in our kingdom, without hindrance, disturbance or dis- 
quieting of them or of any of them ; any statute, act, proclama- 
tion, injunction, restriction or usage to the contrary thereof 
aforetime held, made, published or promulgated to the contrary 
notwithstanding, on the ground that in these presents there 
nowhere arises any express mention made respecting the true 
annual value or the warranty of the premises or of any of them, 
or respecting other gifts or grants made by us aforetime to the 


aforesaid Superintendent, Ministers and their successors ; or 
any statute, act, ordinance, provision or restriction to the con- 
trary thereof made, published, ordained or provided, or any 
other thing, cause or matter in any respect whatsoever notwith- 

" In testimony of which thing we have caused these letters 
patent to be made. 

"Witness myself, at Leighes, the twenty-fourth day of July in 
the fourth year of our reign. 

" By brief of the privy seal, and of grants on the aforesaid 
authority of Parliament. 

" P. Southwell. W. Harrys." 
[Observe that />erso)ia is treated as a masculine noun.] 


(P. 82.) 

Extract from a Letter of the Geneva Ministers, forwarded by Theodore 
Beza to the Ministers of East Friesland, 2 Sept. 1566. [Epistolarum 
Theologicartim Theodori Bezte Vezelii, liber unus, Genev. 1573, Letter 
iv. pp. 42, 43.) 

Having enumerated the heads of accusation against a certain 
Adrianus, pastor of the French Church at Emden, the letter 
proceeds : 

" Quartum accusationis caput est, quod Adrianus, clam Emden- 
sibus ministris, .... curauerit Valdesii considerationes, multis 
erroribus, atque etiam blasphemiis adversus sacrum Dei verbum 
scatentes, non tantum in Flandricam linguam conuertendas, sed 
etiam edendas, et iis locis distribuendas 

" Scimus, ex idoneorum hominum testimonio, quantum nascenti 
Neapolitanje ecclesite liber ille detrimenti attulerit ; scimus etiam 
quod fuerit de illo judicium D. Joannis Caluini ; scimus & illud, 
Ochinum, infelicis memoriee virum, ex illis lacunis suas illas pro- 
fanas speculationes hausisse, et ita tandem sensim a verbo Dei 
abductum, in vltimum illud exitium sese praecipitasse, in quo 
miser interiit : ac proinde librum ilium a spiritu Anabaptistico 
multis locis non multum dissidentem, id est a verbo Dei ad 
inanes quasdam speculationes, quas falso Spiritum appellant, 

R 2 


homines abducentem, vel nunquam editum, vel statim sepultum 
fuisse magnopere cuperemus." 


" The fourth head of accusation is that Adrianus, unbeknown 
to the ministers of Emden, .... caused the Considerations of 
Valdes, swarming with many errors and even blasphemies against 
God's sacred word, not merely to be translated into the Flemish 
tongue, but to be published too, and distributed in that locality. . . 

" We know, on the testimony of competent men, how much 
injury that book did to the nascent church at Naples ; we know 
too what was the judgment of Master John Calvin respecting 
it ; we know also this, that out of these pits Ochino, of unhappy 
memory, drew those profane speculations of his, and so at length 
led off little by little from the word of God, he precipitated him- 
self into that last destruction, wherein he miserably perished : 
and accordingly we should greatly wish that this book, differing 
not much from the Anabaptist spirit in many places, that is to 
say, leading men off from the word of God to certain empty 
speculations, which they falsely call the Spirit, had either never 
been published, or were at once consigned to the tomb." 

(P. 98.) 

Extract from Twenty-six Questions on the Trinity proposed by four 
Grisons ministers to the Zurich divines, 24 May, 1561. (Trechsel, ii. 
app. v., from MS. No. 122 in the Bern Library.) 

" 4. An ad asternam salutem consequendam prasstet sanctissi- 
mum Triadis arcanum silentio adorare, quam de ea, aliter quam 
sacra2 literse docent, et secundum varias hominum sententias, 
temere loqui? 

" 5. An perspicacior acutiorve sanctissimEe Triadis intelligentia 
pro consequenda vita a^terna nobis necessaria sit quam ea, quie 
in divinis literis a Spiritu S. nobis tradita sit? 

"6. An ecclesiarum Dei ministri et doctores cogere simplices 

Ari'ENDIX VI. 245 

et imperitos possint, constituta etiam illis privationis coenje domi- 
nicas poena, ut, de sanctissima Triade disserentes, aliis vocibus 
et nominibus, ab istis minime intellectis utantur, quam his quibus 
in s. literis Spiritus Sanctus utitur? 

" 20. An quis, tanquam pertinax et convictus ha;reticus ob 
simplicem errorem in articulo Trinitatis, cujus arcanum sacratis- 
simum vix ab Angelis comprehendi potest, debeat excommuni- 
cari quomodocumque in caeteris omnibus, is doctrina atque vita 
sit inculpabili, imo laudatissimis moribus, et summa erga pau- 
peres charitate sit prasdit«s ?" 

[Translated above, pp. 97, 98.] 


(P. 105.) 

Confession of Faith imposed on the Italian Church at Geneva, 18 May, 
1558. [Extracted by the State Archivist, M. Ad. C. Grivel, from the 
Archives of Geneva {Proces Crimiiiels, No. 746). It is printed, with 
the Latin text, by H. Fazy, Proces de V. Gentilis, 1878.] 

" Ancor che la confession de la fede, contenuta nel symbolo 
de gli Apostoli doverebbe bastare per la simplicita del popolo 
Christiano, nondimeno percioche alcuni, essendosi per la loro 
curiosita disviati de la pura e vera fede, hanno turbato I'unione 
e Concordia di questa Chiesa, e seminato de le opinione false et 
erronee : Per ovviare a tutte le astutie di Satano et esser muniti 
e provisi contra quelli che ci volesseno sedurre, e mostrare che 
noi crediamo d'un cuore, e parliamo d'una bocca, e similimente 
che noi rifutiamo e detestiamo tutte le heresie contrarie k la pura 
fede, la quale infino a qui habbiam tenuta, e vogliamo seguire in 
sino k la fine, habbiam risoluto di fare la dichiaratione, che qui 
appresso segue, quanto a la unica e semplice essentia di Dio, e 
la distintione de le tre persone. 

" Noi dichiariamo dunque, che il padre Iddio, ha in tal mode 
generato fin da ogni eternitk la sua parola e [o?] sapientia, che e il 
suo unico figliuolo, e che lo Spirito Santo h proceduto d'amendue; 
che non vi e se non una sola et semplice essentia del padre. 


del figliuolo, et de lo Spirito Santo : e che questo, che il padre e 
distinto dal figluolo, lo Spirito Santo da Tune e da I'altro, e per 
rispetto de le persone. 

" Per il che noi danniamo e detestiamo I'errore di quelli che 
dicono che il padre, semplicemente quanto alia sua essentia, et 
in quanto e solo vero Iddio (come esse dicono) ha generato il 
suo figliuolo : come se la divina maesta, imperio, essentia, et 
insomma la vera divinitk, non appartenesse se non al padre solo, 
e che Jesu Christo, e lo Spirito Santo fusseno Iddii procedenti 
da lui, e che in questo modo I'unita de I'essentia divina fusse 
divisa o separata. 

" In tanto, confessando noi che non ci ^ se non un solo Iddio, 
riconosciamo che tutto quello che s'attribuisce a la divinita, alia 
sua gloria et essentia, conviene tanto al figliuolo, quanto alio 
Spirito Santo, quando si parla semplicemente di Dio, senza far 
comparatione da una persona a I'altra. Ma facendosi la compa- 
ratione de le persone de I'una k I'altra, ci conviene osservare 
quello che e proprio a ciascuna, per fame tale distintione, che il 
figliuolo non sia il padre, ne lo Spirito Santo sia il figliuolo. 

" Quanto alia persona del nostro signor Jesu Christo, oltre che 
fin da ogni eternita e stato generato da Iddio suo padre et e 
stato persona distinta da lui, noi teniamo che nella sua natura 
humana, de la quale egli si e vestito per nostra salute, egli e 
ancora vero e naturale figliuolo di Dio, per havere in tal modo 
unite le due nature che non e se non un solo mediatore, Iddio 
manifesto in carne, riservando sempre le proprieta di ciascuna 
de le due nature. 

" Hor, faciendo questa dichiaratione, noi protestiamo, e sopra 
la fede che noi debbiamo a Dio promettiamo e ci obligliamo de 
seguir questa dottrina, e di perseverar in essa, senza contra- 
venirvi ne direttamente, ne obliquamente, di certa scientia, o 
con alcuna malitia, per nutrire alcune dissentione, o differentia, 
che fusse per disviarci da tale accordo. E generalmente per 
chiuder la porta k tutte le discordie per I'avvenire, noi dichiariamo 
di voler vivere e morire nell'obbedientia de la dottrina di questa 
Chiesa, e quanto per noi si potra risistere k tutte le sette che si 
potesseno levare all'incontro, e cosi I'approviamo, accettiamo, e 
confermiamo sotto pena di esser tenuti pergiuri e mancatori di 


" lo Silvip Telio approvo la confessione supra scritta et detesto 
tutto quello il fusse in contraria a essa. 

" lo frano Porcellino da pioue di sacco accetto et approvo la 
sopra scritta confessione come in essa ci contiene. 

" lo Filippo Rustici da Lucia sottoscriuo et accetto la confes- 
sione che di sopra si contiene. 

" To Valentino Gentile Cosentino accetto ut supra. 

" lo Ypolito Pelerino da Carignano acceto como di sopra. 

" lo Nicolao Gallo accetto ut supra." 


" Although the confession of faith contained in the Apostles' 
creed should be sufficient for the simplicity of Christian people, 
nevertheless since some, led by their curiosity from the path of 
the pure and true faith, have disturbed the union and concord 
of this Church, and disseminated false and erroneous opinions : 
To meet all the wiles of Satan, and be protected and provided 
against any who would seduce, and to show that we believe with 
one heart and speak with one mouth, and likewise that we repel 
and detest all heresies against the pure faith which we have 
held hitherto, and wish to follow even to the end, We have 
resolved to make the declaration hereinafter following, in regard 
to the single and simple essence of God, and the distinction of 
the three persons. 

"We declare then that God, the Father, hath in such wise 
generated from all eternity his Word and [Lat. has "or" {stve)} 
Wisdom, which is his only Son, and that the Holy Spirit hath 
proceeded [in such wise] from both, that there is but one sole 
and simple essence of Father, Son and Holy Spirit ; and that it 
is in respect of the persons that the Father is distinct from the 
Son, and the Holy Spirit from the one and the other. 

"Wherefore we damn and detest the error of any who say that 
the Father, simply in virtue of His own essence, and in as much 
as He is the only true God (as they say He is), hath generated 
His Son; as if the divine majesty, dominion, essence, and in 
short the true divinity, belonged to the Father alone, and Jesus 
Christ and the Holy Spirit were Gods proceeding from Him, 
and in this wise the unity of the divine essence were divided or 


" Howbeit while we confess that there is but one sole God, we 
acknowledge that whatsoever is attributed to the divinity, to His 
glory and essence, belongs equally to the Son as to the Holy 
Spirit, when we are speaking simply of God, without comparing 
one person with another. But when we compare the persons 
among themselves, we must obsei"ve what is proper to each, 
making such distinctions that the Son be not the Father nor the 
Holy Spirit the Son. 

" As for the person of our Lord Jesus Christ, besides that he 
hath from all eternity been generated by God, his Father, and 
been a person distinct from Him, we hold that in his human 
nature, which he hath put on for our salvation, he is likewise true 
and natural Son of God, through having in such wise united the 
two natures that he is one sole Mediator, God manifest in flesh, 
with reservation of the properties of each of the two natures. 

" Now in making this declaration, we protest, and we promise 
and bind ourselves by the faith which we owe to God, that we 
will follow this doctrine and persevere in it, without either 
directly or indirectly contravening it, knowingly or with any evil 
intent, so as to nourish any dissension or difference which might 
lead us from the path of this accord. And in general, to shut 
the door on all discord for the future, we declare that we wish to 
live and die in obedience to the doctrine of this Church, and, so 
far as in us lies, to resist all sects that could rise in opposition. 
And this we approve, accept and confirm, under penalty of being 
held perjurers and faithless. 

" I, Silvio Telio, approve the above-written confession and 
detest everything opposed to it. 

" I, Francesco Porcellino, of Piove di Sacco, accept and ap- 
prove the above-written confession according as is contained in it. 

" I, Filippo Rustici, of Lucia, subscribe and accept the confes- 
sion which is contained above. 

" I, Valentino Gentile, of Cosenza, accept as above. 

" I, Ypolito Pelerino, of Carignano, accept as above. 

" I, Nicolao Gallo, accept as above." 



(P. 124.) 

Organisation of the Ministry and the Conferences in the Strangers' 
Church, London, 1550. {Forvia ac Ratio Ecclesiastici Ministerii in 
Peregrinorum Ecclesia, Frankf. May, 1551 ; reprinted in Kuyper's 
Joannes iX Lasco, 1866, ii. pp. 45 ff.) 

" De Ffli-nia ac Ratio nc Ecclesiastici Ministerii. 

" Nos id quidem in nostris ecclesiis pro nostra virili conati 
sumus, sumpto exeniplo a Genevensi et Argentinensi Peregrino- 
rum Ecclesia 

" Hisce nimirum donis suis exornat Dominus in sua ecclesia 
verbi divini ministerium, ad ejus tedificationem, ministrosque 
ipsos postorum ac doctorum nomine dignatur. Ouanquam autem 
apud istos quoque curam ac custodiam gubernandce ecclesiae 
prscipuam esse voluit, duo tamen adhuc custodum prseterea 
genera illis in sua ecclesia adjunxit, peculiaremque eis ipsorum 
functionem consignavit. Atque alii quidem in Scripturis vocantur 
presbyteri, sive seniores, item episcopi, praepositi et guberna- 
tiones : alii vero potestates, prascellentes ministri, et altores 
ecclesiae Christi, quos nos magistratum vocamus. 

" Porro ad hunc presbyterorum ordinem ipsi quoque pastores 
ac doctores omnes pertinent, sed curam sibi gubernandce conser- 
vandaeque ecclesia; non sumunt soli, nisi in reliquorum presby- 
terorum coetu, quem ut sibi adjunctum habeant omni studio ac 
sollicitudine adniti debent. (Pp. 48, 49.) 

" De Modo ac Ratione Propheticr i?2 Germanorum Ecclesia diebiis 

" Ratio prophetic in Germanorum Ecclesia base est visa fere 
maxime utilis toti ecclesiie, ut in ilia excuterentur et approba- 
rentur omnia per mutuam locorum e Scripturis collationem, quae 
in totius ejus hebdomadis concionibus videri poterant vel non 
recte, vel non ad plenum omnino fuisse explicata, aut qualem- 
cumque tandem in animis dubitationem forte adhuc reliquissent. 
Cum enim nusquam aliunde plus imminere posse periculi constet 
in omnibus ecclesiis, quam ex doctrinas dissidiis, nihil sane aeque 
etiam utile esse potest in omnibus ecclesiis quam ut unanimus 


doctrinas consensus in illis ex verbo Dei retineatur. Ad quern 
equidem retinendum atque etiam alenduni vix quidquam haberi 
excogitarique potest aut melius, aut commodius, aut etiam effi- 
cacius hac tali publica doctriniE ministrorum examinatione atque 

" Die Jovis igitur, sub finem concionis, quae hora propemodum 
nona ante meridiem habetur, ecclesiastes ipse hortatur seniores 
ecclesiae et omnes eos qui ad proponendas objectiones designati 
sunt, ad proferendum in medium aliquid, cum omni modestia et 
gravitate, ad ecclesi^ a;dificationem, non autem ad vanam osten- 
tationem. Ac tum ministri rationem reddunt doctrinae suae, in 
ejus hebdomadis concionibus tradita?, si quid adversus illam 
objiciatur. (Pp. loi, 102.)" 

" On the Form and Plan of the Ministry of the Church. 

" We have indeed attempted this in our churches to the best 
of our ability, following the example of the Strangers' Church at 
Geneva and at Strassburg 

" With these gifts of his in sooth the Lord adorns the ministrj- 
of the divine word in his church, to its edification, and the 
ministers themselves he honours with the name of pastors and 
doctors. Although, however, he willed that the principal care and 
charge of governing the church be committed to them also, never- 
theless he has adjoined to them in his church two other kinds of 
custodians besides, and has assigned to these a peculiar function 
of their own. And of these the one class are called in the 
Scriptures presbyters or elders, also bishops, foremen or govern- 
ments ; but the others are called powers, principal ministers, 
nourishers of the church of Christ, whom we call the magistracy. 
Further, to this order of presbyters the pastors and doctors 
themselves also belong, but they do not take to themselves alone 
the care of governing and preserving the church, save in the 
assembly of the other presbyters, and they ought with all ear- 
nestness and anxiety to strive to have this [assistance] adjoined 
to themselves. 

" On the Method and Plan of the Prophesying in the Gennans' 
Church on Thursdays. 
" This plan of the prophesying in the Germans' Church has 


appeared of well-nigh the highest utility to the whole church, so 
that in it, by a mutual comparison of passages of the Scriptures, 
all those points should be thoroughly discussed and approved, 
which in the preachings of that whole week might seem to have 
been explained, either incorrectly, or not altogether fully, or 
which had haply still left any sort of lingering doubt in the 
hearers' minds. For since it is certain that in all churches there 
can from no quarter arise greater danger than from discords of 
doctrine, so nothing truly can be of equal utility in all churches, 
as that a unanimous agreement of doctrine be retained in them 
by appeal to the word of God. For retaining and even increasing 
which, scarcely anything can be had or thought of, either better, 
or more convenient, or even more efficacious than this sort of 
public examination and approbation of the doctrine of the 

"On Thursday, then, at the end of preaching, which is held 
about nine in the forenoon, the preacher himself exhorts the 
elders of the church, and all those who are assigned for proposing 
objections, to bring forward something, with all modesty and 
gravity, for the edification of the church, but not for empty 
ostentation. And then the ministers render an account of their 
doctrine delivered in the preachings of that week, if anything be 
objected against it." 


(P. 128.) 

Letter from Microen to BuUinger, respecting the first Unitarians of 
London, 1551. (State Archives of Zurich, Littene Angliae, fol. 103; 
extracted by the kindness of the archivist, Dr. Johann Strickler.) 

" S. P. Quamquam variis distringar negociis, in hac prassertim 
ecclesiae nostra infantia instituenda, non possum tamen oblatam 
banc ad te scribendi opportunitatem praetermittere, ne me tui 
oblitum putes, qui animo meo alte infixus hseres, cum propter 
christianissimas tuas quas audivi ex te conciones, turn propter 
Decades tuas nuper editas, quibus nos adulescentiores ad exco- 
lendam ecclesiam Christi iuvamur non vulgariter. Subsidiis 
nobis opus est in tanta negociorum difificultate. Undique peti- 


mur qui lubenter sinceram Dei doctrinam ecclesiis tradercmus. 
Nobis non tantum cum Papistis lucta est, quos iam fere ubique 
errorum suorum pudet, sed multo maxime cum sectariis et Epi- 
cureeis ac pseudo-evangelicis. Prteter veteres errores de pccdo- 
baptismo, de incarnatione Christi, auctoritate magistratus, iura- 
mento, bonorum proprietate ac communitate, similesque, novi in 
dies oboriuntur cum quibus luctandum nobis. 

" Sunt autem in primis divinitatis Christi hostes Ariani, qui 
iam multo gravius ecclesias nostras quatere incipiunt quam 
unquam fecerunt, conceptionem Christi e virgine negantes. 
Praecipua illorum argumenta in tria fere capita redigi possunt. 
Unum est de Dei unitate per totam veterem ac novam Scrip- 
turam explicata, Trinitatisque rem cum vocabulo novam esse, 
utpote nullis Scripturis proditam. Alterum, Scriptura (inquiunt), 
qui unum per omnia agnoscit Deum, fatetur ac profitetur ilium 
unum Deum esse solum Patrem (Joan. 17), qui etiam Paulo 
vocatur unus deus (i Cor. 8). Postremo, loca qu£e divinitatem 
Christi astruere videntur sic illudunt, ut dicant ea omnia Christo 
non ex se competere, sed aliunde accepta, nempe a patre habere 
(Joan. 5, Math. 28). Sed (inquiunt) Deus non accipit a Deo. 
Eoque tantum nomine hominum ciuemvis excellit, quod plura 
dona acceperit a Deo patre. 

" His respondimus quod Dominus dedit, et, gratia sit Domino, 
adest nobis D. a Lasco, unicus post Deum ecclesiee nostras 
clypeus. Volui tamen ista humanitati tuas exponere, ut, si vacet, 
cjuid propriissime ad hsec tria capita hostium Christi responderi 
possit, scribere ad me digneris ; nam ex tua Decade in qua 
alioqui solidissime stabilis divinitatem Christi, nihil aut parum 
elicere potui, quod his commode opponatur. Vos patres, prae- 
ceptores et duces nostri in reformandis ecclesiis, non gravabimini 
nos monere ac docere, quo Dei ecclesiam recte instituamus, ac 
contra omnes haereses muniamus. 

"Agimusque. Hue spectant omnia, ac imprimis instituta est 
in ecclesia nostra Germanica Scripturae collatio, in qua discu- 
tiuntur condones superioris hebdomadae, ad puritatem doctrinae 
retinendam, qua; res nonnihil compescit h^ereticos, et iuniores 
confirmat in doctrina Christiana. Habemus prseterea in nostro 
Germanico templo alias duas lectiones latinas, unam a Domino 
a Lasco, alteram a Domino Gualtero Delvino, post quas singuke 


Scripturarum collationes de proximis lectionibus habentur, non 
sine maxima ecclesiarum commoditate. Tres itaque singulis 
hebdomadibus Scripturarum collationes habemus, cum principio 
de duabus tantum inter nos constitutum fuisset. 

" Unum adhuc imprimis in ecclesia nostra requiritur, usus 
videlicet baptismi et ccenos dominicas. Libertas nobis regio pri- 
\ilegio concessa est, sed per malevolos quosdam stat quominus 
tanto beneficio fruamur. Laborat quidem pro officio suo dili- 
genter Dominus a Lasco adversus episcopos, ut libertate facta 
frui liceat ; sed movet tamen, nihil autem promovet. Metuo ne 
nobis ad Parlamentum usque sit expectandum, quod quando 
futurum sit, nescio. Grassatus est Londini, mense Julio, sudor 
anglicus, quo correptus D. a Lasco periculosissime laboravit, 
adeo ut de eius vita actum esse putaremus. Sed convaluit, 
misertus enim est nostri Dominus ; nam, eo sublato, metuendum, 
ne sint peregrinorum quoque ecclesia^. Dominus est ecclesia^ 
sua; propugnator unicus. 

"Quo in statu sint res Domini Hopri, episcopi Glocestriensis, 
ex ipsius litteris rectius intelliges. Quantum ego sane intelligere 
possum, fideliter suum talentum exponit. Rogo te, ut pro tua 
auctoritate ilium commonefacias mansuetudinis ac benignitatis. 
Uxorem ejus D. Annam monebis, ne se curis huius seculi in- 
volvat ; caveat sibi a spinis quibus suffocatur verbum Dei ; rem 
periculo plenam esse, sub Christo, venari opes atque honores. 
Habent enim admonitiones tu£e plurimum ponderis apud utrum- 
que. Discessit non ita pridem e terris episcopus Lincolniensis, 
evangelicas doctrinas fautor. Abripuit sudor anglicus dominos 
pi-asclarissimos adolescentes, ducem Suffolcis et fratrem ipsius 
Carolum. Regnum hac asstate, gratias Deo, pacatum habuimus ; 
nam tumultus quorumdam rusticorum, principio eestatis exortus, 
auctoritate magistratus ac diligentia celerrime oppressus fuit. 

" Bene vale, mi Domine, meamque libertatem boni consulas. 
Nostro nomine non graveris precor, salutare observandos pree- 
ceptores nostros, D. Bibliandrum, Pellicanum, Gesnerum et Fri- 
sium. Dominus vestram ecclesiam ab omni malo liberet. Amen. 
1 55 1, Augusti 14. 

" D. a Lasco ruri est apud Episcopum Cantuariensem ; ad te 
alioqui, quantum antea ex eius verbis colligere potui, scripturus. 
Tuus, quantus est, 

" Martinus Micronius. 



[Revised from Dr. Hastings Robinson's version, in Zurich Letters, 3 ser. 

PP- 574—577-] 

" Very much greeting. Though I am distracted by various 
affairs, especially in establishing this infancy of our church, yet 
I cannot pass by this offered opportunity of writing to you, lest 
you think me forgetful of you, who are deeply fixed in my 
thoughts, both on account of your most Christian discourses 
which I have heard from your own mouth, and on account of 
your lately published Decades^ whereby we younger men are 
assisted in no ordinary degree to improve the church of Christ. 
We have need of helps in this great difficulty of our affairs. On 
every side are we attacked, who would willingly deliver to the 
churches the unmixed doctrine of God. Our wrestling is not 
only with the Papists, who are almost everywhere ashamed of 
their errors, but by far the most with sectaries and Epicureans 
and pseudo-evangelicals.^ Besides the ancient errors respecting 
pa;do-baptism, respecting the incarnation of Christ, the authority 
of the magistrate, oath-taking, the property and community of 
goods, and the like, new ones are rising up every day with which 
we have to wrestle. 

" There are, however, in the front rank as enemies of Christ's 
divinity, Arians,^ who now begin to shake our churches much 
more severely than they ever did, as they deny the conception 
of Christ by a virgin. Their principal arguments may be reduced 
to three heads. One is respecting the unity of God as unfolded 
throughout the entire Old and New Scripture ; and that the 

^ [By "pseudo-evangelicals" Microen does not mean Unitarians (as 
is supposed pp. 128, 129, 178, 193, above), but the high episcopal party, 
to which he subsequently refers as " those enemies of Christ, the 
hypocritical and heretical bishops" (7 Nov. 1551), and as "the pseudo- 
bishops" (18 Feb. 1553). Ridley of London, and Goodrich of Ely, are 
especially named by him. Ziir. Lett., 3 ser. 266, 267, 268.] 

2 [As early as 20 May, 1550, Microen, writing to Bullinger, mentions 
" Arians .... in great numbers," as making it "of the first importance 
that the word of God should be preached here in German, to guard 
against the heresies which are introduced by our countrymen." Ziir. 
Lett., 3 ser. 260.] 


Trinity, both the term and the thing, is new, inasmuch as it is 
disclosed in no passages of Scripture. The second is, Scripture 
(say they) which acknowledges one God per\'ading all things, 
owns and professes that this one God is the Father alone (John 
xvii. 3), who is also by Paul called the one God (i Cor. viii. 6). 
Lastly, the passages which seem to establish Christ's divinity 
they so trifle with as to say that all these things do not belong 
to Christ of himself, but as received from another, namely, that 
he has them from the Father (John v. 19, 30; Matt, xxviii. 18). 
But (say they) God does not receive from God. And by this sole 
title does [Christ] excel any one of mankind, in that he has 
received more gifts from God the Father. 

"To these things we have replied what the Lord hath given 
[us to say], and, thanks be to the Lord, Master k Lasco is with 
us, the sole shield of our church, ne.xt to God. I have desired, 
however, to lay these things before your politeness, that, if 
you have leisure, you may deign to write me word what may 
most fitly be replied to these three heads of argument of the 
enemies of Christ ; for from your Decade, wherein you most 
solidly establish Christ's divinity on other grounds, I have been 
able to elicit nothing, or very httle, that may be satisfactorily 
brought against these positions. You, who are our fathers, pre- 
ceptors and leaders in reforming the churches, will not grudge 
us your advice and instruction how we may rightly establish the 
church of God, and fortify it against all heresies. 

"And we are busy. All things are directed to this end, and, 
in the first place, there has been established in our German 
church a comparison of Scripture in which are discussed the 
sermons of the preceding week, to preserve the purity of doctrine, 
a measure which to some extent represses heretics, and confirms 
the younger men in the Christian doctrine. We have, besides, 
in our German place of worship two other Latin lectures, one by 
Master k Lasco, the other by Master Wouter Deloen, after which 
there are held separate comparisons of Scriptures on the subject 
of the next lectures, not without the greatest satisfaction of the 
churches. Thus we have three comparisons of Scriptures every 
week, whereas at first we had made arrangements among our- 
selves for only two. 

" One thing of the first importance is still wanting in our 
church, namely, the use of Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 


Liberty was granted to us by the royal patent, but through 
certain ill-disposed individuals the fact is that we are prevented 
from enjoying this great benefit. Master k Lasco does, indeed, 
according to his office, make diligent efforts, in opposition to the 
Bishops, that we may be allowed to enjoy the liberty given us ; 
but still he pushes on and yet makes no way. I fear we may 
have to wait till Parliament meets, and when that may probably 
be, I know not. The sweating sickness raged in London during 
the month of July, and Master k Lasco was seized with it, and 
most perilously distressed, so that we thought his time was come. 
But he recovered, for the Lord had mercy upon us ; for, had he 
been taken away, it is to be feared that the Strangers' Churches 
would have been taken too. The Lord is the only champion of 
his own church. 

" In what state are the affairs of Master Hooper, Bishop of 
Gloucester, you will more correctly understand from his own 
letter. So far as I can well understand, he displays his talent 
faithfully. I beg you that according to your authority you 
impress upon him mildness and affability. His wife. Mistress 
Anne, you will advise that she do not involve herself in the cares 
of this world ; that she beware of thorns, whereby the word of 
God is stifled ; that it is a matter full of peril, under Christ, to 
hunt after riches and honours. For your admonitions have the 
greatest weight with them both. Not so long ago departed this 
life the Bishop of Lincoln [Henry Rands], a favourer of evan- 
gelical doctrine. The sweating sickness carried off the most 
noble young lords, the Duke of Suffolk and his brother Charles. 
We have had the kingdom, thank God, tranquillised this summer ; 
for a rising of some rustics, which broke out at the beginning of 
the summer, was very quickly put down by the authority and 
diligence of the magistrates. 

" Farewell, my Master, and take my freedom in good part. 
Refuse not, I pray, to greet in my name my worshipful preceptors 
Masters Bibliander, Pellican, Gesner and Friese. The Lord 
deliver your church from every ill. Amen. 1551, August 14. 

" Master k Lasco is in the country at the Bishop of Canter- 
bury's ; otherwise, so far as I could gather from what he pre- 
viously said, he was going to write to you. 

" Yours, to the best of his power, 

"Marten Microen.' 


(P. 136.) 
Formula of Retractation presented to Adriaans van Hamstede by the 
Bishop of London, 31 July, 1562. (Strype's Grindal, app. ii., edition 
of 182 1, p. 469.) 

"Ego Hadrianus Hamstedius, propter assertiones quasdam 
meas et dogmata verbo Dei repugnantia, dum hie in ecclesia 
Londino-Germanica ministrum agerem, decreto Episcopi Lon- 
dinensis, ministerio depositus atque excommunicatus, nunc post 
sesquiannum vel circiter, rebus melius perpensis, et ad verbi 
Dei regulam examinatis, aliter sentio : et culpam meam ex animo 
agnosco, doleoque me tantas offensiones et scandala peperisse. 

" Hi sunt autem articuli, seu assertiones, in quibus me errasse 

" I. Primo, quod scripto quodam meo, contra verbum Dei 
asseruerim, atque his verbis usus fuerim, scil. ' Quod Christus 
ex mulieris semine natus sit, ac nostrae carnis particeps factus, 
id non fundamentum esse, sed ipsius fundamenti circumstantiam 
quandam, etiam pueri primis literis imbuti agnoscent. Itaque 
qui Christum ex mulieris semine natum esse negat, is non funda- 
mentum negat, sed unam ex fundamenti circumstantiis negat.' 

" 2. Quod Anabaptistas, Christum verum mulieris semen esse 
negantes, si modo nos non proscindant et condemnent, pro 
fratribus meis, membrisque corporis Christi debilioribus, agno- 
verim : et, per consequens, salutem vitse aeternas illis ascripserim. 

"3. Quod negantes hujusmodi Christi ex Virgine incarna- 
tionem asseruerim in Christo Domino, unico fundamento, fun- 
datos esse ; eorum hujusmodi errorem, lignum, stipulam, et 
foenum fundamento supersedificata appellans ; quo non obstante, 
ipsi servandi veniant, tanquam per ignem ; de quibus testatus 
sum me bene sperare, quemadmodum de omnibus aliis meis 
charis fratribus in Christo fundatis : cum tamen Spiritus Sanctus 
per Joannem apostolum manifeste affirmet negantes Christum 
in carne venisse (de ipsa carne loquens quae assumpta erat ex 
semine Abrahae et ex semine Davidis) esse seductores et anti- 
christos, et Deum non habere. 

" 4. Etiam in hoc graviter me peccasse fateor, quod constanter 
asseruerim negantes Christum esse verum mulieris semen, non 



proinde necessario et consequenter negare eum esse nostrum 
Emanuelem, Mediatorem, Pontificem, Fratrem : neque propterea 
negare ipsum verum hominem esse, carnisve resurrectionem. 
Nam istam consequentiam negantes, ' Christum esse verum 
mulieris semen,' eadem opera negare Christum esse nostrum 
Mediatorem, plane necessarium esse agnosco. Et non minus 
quam illam, qua usus est divus Paulus ad Corinthios decimo 
quinto : ' Si resurrectio mortuorum non est, nee Christus quidem 
resurrexit. Quod si Christus non resurrexit, inanis est videlicet 
praedicatio nostra; inanis autem est et fides vestra.' 

" 5. Quod aliquoties in meis concionibus, praeter officium pii 
ministri, usus fuerim argumentis, persuasionibus, similitudinibus 
et dicteriis, ad istas assertiones populo persuadendas : videlicet, 
similitudine, 'non referre cujus sit coloris vestis regia;' et liti- 
gantes de came Christi militibus de tunica Christi alea luden- 
tibus comparando : cseterisque hujusmodi. Quae omnia eo ten- 
dunt, ut hunc fundamentalem fidei nostree articulum extenuarent, 
et negantibus salutis spem non prascluderent. Agnosco enim 
plurimum interesse utrum Christus nostram carnem, an aliquam 
aliam coelestem, seu setheream assumpserit ; cum non nisi in 
nostra came judicio Dei satisfieri, et pro peccatis hostia Deo 
accepta offerri potuisset. 

"6. Agnosco etiam in eo culpam meam, quod in concionibus 
meis affirmaverim unicuique in Ecclesia reformata liberum esse 
infantem suum sine baptismo ad aliquot annos reservare ; neque 
ullius fratris conscientiam, in hac re, ad aliquod certum tempus 
astringi posse. 

"7. Postremo, quod horum pr^scriptorum errorum monitores, 
utriusque ecclesiae ministros contempserim : atque ipsum adeo 
reverendum Episcopum Londinensen, utriusque Peregrinorum 
ecclesiae superintendentem. Imo potius, contemptis omnibus 
admonitionibus, ad jus provocarim ; quo tamen convictus, legi- 
timis et fide dignis testimoniis, culpam agnoscere renuerim. 
Quodque praedictos ecclesiarum ministros, et alios monitores 
accusarim, tam dictis quam scriptis, Londini et in partibus ultra- 
marinis ; quasi non ordine, juste et debite ejectus et excommu- 
nicatus fuerim. Agnosco enim me optimo jure hoc promeruisse ; 
atque ordine a dicto Episcopo mecum fuisse actum. 

" Cui dictus Hadrianus subscribere recusatP 



[Revised from Strype's Grindal, 1822, p. 67.] 

" I, Adriaans van Hamstede, who, on the ground of certain 
assertions of mine, and dogmata contrary to the word of God, 
while I acted here as minister in the German Church of London, 
was deposed from the ministry and excommunicated by the 
decree of the Bishop of London, now, after a year and a half, or 
thereabouts, weighing things better, and examining them by the 
rule of God's word, do think otherwise ; and from my heart do 
acknowledge my fault, and am grieved that I have given rise to 
so great offences and scandals. 

" Now these are the articles or assertions in which I confess 
that I have erred : 

"i. In a certain writing of mine, I have asserted, contrar)' to 
the word of God, and used these words, viz. ' That the proposi- 
tion, 'Christ was born of the seed of the woman and made par- 
taker of our flesh,' is not the foundation [of our faith], but a 
certain circumstance of the actual foundation, even boys who 
have learned the first rudiments will acknowledge. Therefore 
he that denieth Christ to be born of the seed of the woman, 
doth not deny the foundation, but one of the circumstances of 
the foundation.' 

" 2. That the Anabaptists, denying Christ to be the true seed 
of the woman, provided they do not revile and condemn us, I 
have acknowledged as my brethren, and weaker members of the 
body of Christ ; and by consequence, have assigned to them the 
salvation of life eternal. 

"3. That those who deny the incarnation of Christ by the 
Virgin, I have declared to be founded in Christ the Lord, the 
one foundation ; calling their error of this sort wood, stubble and 
hay, builtupon the foundation ; notwithstandingwhich, they them- 
selves come to be saved, as through fire ; of whom I have testi- 
fied that I hoped well, as of all my other dear brethren who are 
founded in Christ. Whereas nevertheless the Holy Spirit by 
John the Apostle afiirms that those who deny that Christ has 
come in the flesh (speaking of that very flesh which was assumed 
of the seed of Abraham and of the seed of David) are seducers 
and Antichrist, and have not God. 

S 2 


"4. Also in this I confess that I have gravely erred, that I 
have constantly asserted that those who deny Christ to be the 
true seed of the woman, do not forthwith necessarily and by 
consequence deny him to be our Emanuel, Mediator, Priest, 
Brother; nor therefore deny him to be true man, or the resur- 
rection of the flesh. For I acknowledge that it is plainly 
necessary that those who deny this consequence, 'that Christ is 
the true seed of the woman,' do by the same act deny Christ to 
be our Mediator. And not less [necessary^] than that consequence 
which St. Paul has drawn in i Cor. xv. : 'If there be no resur- 
rection of the dead, neither is Christ risen ; and if Christ be not 
risen, our preaching is vain, and your faith is vain.' 

" 5. That sometimes in my sermons, going outside the duty of 
a pious minister, I have used arguments, persuasions, similitudes 
and strokes of wit, to convince the people of the above assertions : 
viz. by the similitude, 'that it is no matter what colour the royal 
robe is of;' and by comparing those that contended concerning 
the flesh of Christ to the soldiers that played with dice upon 
Christ's garment, and other things of this nature. All which 
things tend to this, that they would minimise this fundamental 
article of our faith, and would not shut out the hope of salvation 
from them that deny it. For I acknowledge that it is of the 
greatest importance whether Christ took our flesh, or some other 
celestial or ethereal flesh ; since except in our flesh he could not 
satisfy the judgment of God, and be a sacrifice accepted of God 
for our sins. 

"6. I acknowledge also my fault in this, that in my sermons 
I have afiirmed that it is free to every one in the Reformed 
Church to keep back his child for some years without baptism, 
and that the conscience of any brother cannot be tied, in this 
matter, to any given time. 

"7. Lastly, that I have contemned the ministers of both 
Churches, who were my admonishers of these errors above 
written ; and even the right reverend the Bishop of London 
himself, the Superintendent of both Churches of the Strangers. 
Yea rather, contemning all admonitions, I have appealed to the 
law [of the Church] ; whereby nevertheless being convicted, on 
lawful testimonies and worthy of credit, I have refused to acknow- 
ledge my fault. And the aforesaid ministers of the Churches, 


and others that admonished me, I have accused both by words 
and by writings, in London and in the parts beyond the sea ; as 
though I were not orderly, justly and lawfully ejected and excom- 
municated. For I acknowledge that I have most justly deserved 
this, and that the Bishop of London hath dealt orderly with me. 
" IVhereunto the said Adriaans refuseth to subscribeP 


(P. 150.) 

Extract from Ochino's De Purgatorio. 

[A Dialogue between Theodidactus, Carmelita, Franciscanus, 
Benedictinus, Dominicanus, Augustinianus.] 

"Theodid. . . Moriendo igitur non plus quam debuerat fecit 
[Christus], sed solum quod debebat . . . Quinimo ipse Scotus tuus 
dixit, Christi merita, licet ut homo, non ut Deus meruerit, in 
infinitum preciosa esse ; non quidem quia opera ilia meritoria 
propria natura infiniti meriti et excellentise fuerint, cum in se 
finita et determinata essent, sicut et anima quae merebatur et a 
qua proficiscebantur ; sed quia Pater mera gratia sua ea pro 
operibus infiniti pretii acceptavit, licet in se, propriave natura, 

infinito preciosa non essent Ideo, si Deus ipso juris rigore 

causam nostram definire, nee ulla in parte nobis gratificari .... 
voluisset, et meritoria Christi opera librasset, ea in se propriave 
natura, sublata omni divinae acceptationis gratia, adeo efficacia 
non reperisset. (P. 36.)" 


" Theodid. . . Accordingly, by enduring death Christ did no 
more than he had been bound to do, but simply what he was 

bound In fact your own Scotus has said that the merits of 

Christ, though he had merit as man, not as God, are infinitely 
precious ; not indeed that those meritorious works were, of their 
own proper nature, of infinite merit and excellence, since in them- 
selves they were finite and bounded, as also was the soul which 
acquired the merit, and from which the works proceeded ; but 
because the Father of his own mere grace accepted them as 
works of infinite worth, although, in themselves, or of their own 
proper nature, they were not infinitely precious Therefore, 


if God had willed to determine our cause by the sheer rigour of 
legal right, and not to indulge us in any point . . . and had weighed 
the meritorious works of Christ, he would not have found them 
sufficiently efficacious, in themselves or of their proper nature, 
when all favour of divine acceptation was withdrawn." 

Extract from Ochino's Thirty Dialogues, vol. ii., dial, xviii., De Siuniiia 


[The interlocutors are Spiritus and Ochinus.] 

"Spiritus. Die mihi, credisne hominem ilium lesum, qui 
Christus est, Mariae Deique filius, esse Dei filium unigenitum, 
ideoque et primogenitum ? Ochinus. Credo. Sp. Qui fit autem 
ut sit unigenitus, cum in sacris literis Dei filii nominentur non 
solum credentes omnes, verum etiam qui aliquo munere fungun- 
tur? OCH. Christus ideo est unigenitus quod inter electos solus 
ipse est summus vates, rex regum, summus sacerdos, unicus 
magister et caput. Item, quia solus conceptus est ex Spiritu 
Sancto, soli dedit Deus spiritum sine mensura, in eo solo latent 
omnes cpes divinas sapienti^ et scientise, solus est innocens, 
plenus gratias et veritatis, in quo est virtutum omnium omnibus 
numeris absoluta perfectio, quique Deo unice charus est. (P. 14.) 

"Sp. Quidnam igitur id est quo differunt [tres Personas Tri- 
nitatis] ? OCH. Dicunt nonnulli divinas personas ideo re ipsa 
inter se differre, quia Pater non sit genitus ut Filius, neque item 
productus aut spiratus, ut Spiritus Sanctus. Sp. Sunt ergo acci- 
dentia. OcH. Sunt quippe reales relationes .... ejusmodi sunt 
ut alteri impertiri nequeant. Sp. Qui scis ? Si esset in prima 
persona Paternitas, eademque idem esset quod essentia divina, 
necesse est ut Pater essentiam suam filio impertiens, eidem etiam 
Paternitatem impertiret ; quippe cum Paternitas et essentia 
divina, cum sint idem, habeant idem esse. Prseterea si Pater- 
nitas est aeterna, sicut et Filiatio et Spiratio, et inter sese rei 
natura differunt, erunt in Deo tres aeterns res, nee inerit in eo 
summa simplicitas. (Pp. 31 — 34.) 

"Sp. In sacris literis memoriae proditum est, missum a Deo 
fuisse ipsius Filium in mundum ; idemque de Spiritu Sancto 
traditum est, misso a Patre et Filio. Jam vero non dubium est, 
quin qui mittitur inferior sit mittente. Non sunt ergo tequales 
tres divina; personte ; non est ergo tua ista Trinitas. (P. y].) 


"Sp. Si est Christus secundum subjectum divinum, quo pacto 
verum erit illud ejus dictum : ' Pater major me est?' .... Si 
verba ilia .... dicta fuerunt a supposito divino, necesse est ut 
a Patre quoque et a Spiritu Sancto dicta fuerint, quippe qui 
eamdem habeant voluntatem et potentiam et virtutem easdemque 
actiones. Esset ergo perinde ac si non solum Filius, verum 
etiam. Pater et Spiritus Sanctus dixissent Patrem ipsis esse 
majorem, et porro se ipso majorem, id quod fieri non potest; 
nee vere dici potest de humanitate Patri adunata, cum ipse non 
assumpserit humanam carnem sicut fecit Filius. (Pp. 40, 41.)" 


" Spirit. Tell me, do you believe the man Jesus, who is 
the Christ, the son of Mary and of God, to be God's only- 
begotten, and therefore also first-begotten, son ? OCHINO. I 
do. Sp. But how does it happen that he is the only-begotten, 
when in the sacred writings not only all believers, but also those 
who discharge a certain office, are called sons of God? OCH. 
Christ is thereby the only-begotten, because he alone among the 
elect is the highest prophet, the king of kings, the highest priest, 
the sole master and head. Also because he also was conceived 
of the Holy Spirit, to him alone God gave the spirit without 
measure, in him alone are hid all the treasures of divine wisdom 
and knowledge, he alone is guiltless, full of grace and truth, in 
whom there is the absolute perfection of all virtues, and who is 
singularly dear to God. (P. 14.) 

" Sp. What then is it wherein [the three persons of the Trinity] 
differ ? . . . . OCH. Some say that the divine persons have thereby 
a real difference among themselves, because the Father is not 
begotten as is the Son, nor again produced or breathed as is the 

Holy Spirit Sp. [The distinctions] then are accidents. 

OcH. They are in fact real relations .... they are of that sort 
that they cannot be imparted to another. Sp. How do you know? 
If in the first person there were Fatherhood, and this same 
quality were identical with the divine essence, it would neces- 
sarily be that the Father, imparting his essence to the Son, 
would impart to him also the Fatherhood ; inasmuch as Father- 
hood and the divine essence, since they are the same, have the 
same being. Besides, if the Fatherhood is eternal, as also the 


Filiation and the Spiration, and they differ from each other in 
real nature, there will be in God three eternal realities, nor will 
there be in Him the highest simplicity. (Pp. 31 — 34.) 

" Sp. In the sacred writings it is recorded for a remembrance 
that God's own Son was sent by Him into the world ; and the 
same thing is delivered concerning the Holy Spirit, sent by the 
Father and the Son. But there is no doubt that he who is sent 
is inferior to the sender. Accordingly the three divine persons 
are not equal ; this is not then that Trinity of yours. (P. ^J.) 

" Sp. If he is Christ in respect of the underlying divinity, in 
what way will that saying of his be true, ' The Father is greater 
than I'.?. . . . If those words were spoken by the underlying 
divinity, they must necessarily have been spoken by the Father 
also, and by the Holy Spirit, since they have the same will and 
power and virtue, and the same actions. It would therefore be 
as if not only the Son but also the Father and the Holy Spirit 
had said that the Father is greater than they, and furthermore 
is greater than Himself, which cannot be; nor can it be truly 
spoken of the humanity united to the Father, since He took not 
upon Him human flesh, as the Son did. (Pp. 40, 41.)" 


(Pp. 165, 172.) 

Letter of Pierre La Ramee to Acontius, 15 December, 1565. {Petri Rami 
Professoris Regii .... collectanece Pj-efatioties et EpistoLi:, &c. Paris, 
1577, p. 203.) 

Jacobo Acontio Tridentino. S. 

" Jacobi Acontii nomen e prsclaris ingenii monumentis jam- 
pridem orbi notum atque illustre est ; sed tamen Jo. Lasicii poloni 
e Britannia reditu, nobis etiam jucundum charumque factum 
est. Etenim cum doctos in ea insula et mathemat[ic]is praesertim 
deditos nosse cuperem, et ad te forte fortuna Lasicius delatus 
esset, operae-pretium nobis fuit Lutetiam reversum, de humanitate 
et gratia, de variis et reconditis artibus Acontii, narrantem 
audire : inter quas laudes cum Archimedeam illam de machinis 
et urbium munitionibus geometriam audivissem, non putavi tan- 
tam docti et ingenui animi salutandi occasionem mihi prcetermit- 
tendam esse. 


" Interea bibliopolse nostri, Francoforto Lutetiam reversi, attu- 
lerunt octo libros Stratagematum^ quorum lectione non solum 
recreatus sum vehementer, sed quibusdam apud nos melioris et 
note et literaturae theologis legendos proposui, qui modestiam 
orationis et disputationis prudentiam mirifice comprobarunt. 

" Libellum autem de Mcthodo multo jam antea legeram, non 
abhorrentem quidem ab institutis nostris ; sed neque plane con- 
venientem. Equidem mirifico desiderio teneor tua omnia per- 
legendi ac cognoscendi, prEesertim si geometricum aliquid et 
mechanicum commentatus es ; iis enim studiis modo totus dedi- 
tus sum. Ea de causa scribo etiam ad Joannem Dium ; literas 
nostras eodem fascicule conclusi, satis confisus te protinus ei 
redditurum. Nee dubio utrumque vestrum, nee unquam dubi- 
tabo quemquam vestri similem provocare gratia vel accipienda, 
vel etiam referenda. Hoc enim liberalis animi commune inter 
bonos et humanitati deditos esse arbitror. Vale. Luteti^, 14 
Cal. Janu. 1565." 


To Giacomo Contio of Trienta, Greeting. 

" Known to the world and illustrious this long time from the 
brilliant monuments of his genius, is the name of Giacomo Con- 
tio ; but since the return from Britain of John k Lasco, the 
Pole, it has become in addition delightful and dear to me. For 
since I desired to know the learned men in that island, and 
especially those given to mathematics, and since k Lasco hap- 
pened fortunately to have been thrown in your way, it was worth 
our while to listen to his account, on his return to Paris, of the 
culture and grace, the various and recondite scientific acquire- 
ments of Acontius ; and when among these praises I had listened 
to that Archimedean system of surveying in reference to engines 
of war and the fortifications of cities, I considered that such an 
opportunity of greeting a learned and open mind was not to be 
passed over by me. 

" Meanwhile our booksellers, on their return from Frankfurt 
to Paris, brought back the eight books of the Stratageinata^ with 
the reading of which I was not merely extremely refreshed 
myself, but I placed them in the hands of some theologians here 
of superior repute and literature, who approved to admiration 
the modesty of the style and the prudence of the discussion. 


" But long before this I had read the little book on Method^ 
which is not absolutely at variance with my own principles, 
and yet not wholly in accord with them. I am in fact pos- 
sessed with a wonderful desire of perusing and becoming 
acquainted with all you have written, especially if you have 
elaborated anything of a geometrical and mechanical nature, 
for to these studies I am so to say entirely devoted. On that 
account I am writing also to John Dee ; I have enclosed my 
letter in this same packet, being confident enough that you will 
hand it over to him forthwith. With neither of you do I hesitate, 
nor with your like shall I ever hesitate, to make a call upon you 
by the acceptance, or, again, by the return of a kindness. For 
this proof of a liberal spirit 1 think to be common property 
among the virtuous and those devoted to culture. Farewell. — 
Paris, IS Dec. 1565." 


(Pp. 170, 176.) 

The inadequacy of the Apostles' Creed to serve as a common Confession 
of Faith among Protestants, according to Acontius. {Stratagemata 
SataiicE, first edition, Basel, 1565, 4to, bk. vii. pp. 226 — 230.) 

"At extat quidem vetustissima ilia ac brevissima confessio 
quae Symboli nomine Apostolis ascribitur, quam nemo non ad- 
mittit. Quid ita? Causa est minime obscura. Non nisi summa 
Christianas pietatis complectitur capita, ac certissima quasque, et 
in divinis Uteris cuique obvia. Nullius ibi curioste quaestionis 
est judicium, sive decisio. Itaque nemini scrupulum, quamobrem 
probet, relinquit. Hinc igitur, quid sit, quod vix quisquam 
alterius malit subscribere confessioni, quam novam excogitare, 
palam est; quia nimirum, praeterquam quod nostris utimur verbis, 
non iis quibus Spiritus Sanctus est usus, minutissima queeque 
complecti volumus. Si constaret Apostolos ejus fuisse confes- 
sionis auctores, quae eorum titulo est concinnata, ut Christian- 
orum esset symbolum, vix carere temeritate posset, qui ea con- 
tentus non esset. Verum cum nemini dubium sit, quin ratio 
jutificationis nostrae pra^cipuum sit evangelicas doctrins caput ; 
atcjue adeo ejus qusdam summa; et id uno 'remissionis pecca- 
torum' verbo attingatur; ut ad contrarias videatur sententias 


posse accommodari, quid mihi persuadeam vix habeo. Non 
enim aperte meriti errorem longe maximum excludit. Ac mirari 
etiam quis non possit neque baptismi, neque coenae dominicaj 
uUam fieri mentionem? 

" Sed, ut se res habet, haec piis ingeniis proponimus consi- 
deranda ; si qua forte ratione concinnari aliquando fidei confessio 
possit aliqua talis, qute omnibus piis ecclesiis satisfaciat. Tametsi 
enim reliquas essent controversi?E, cum tamen persuasi homines 
essent, inter quos illas intercederent, communia esse nihilominus 
sacrorum jura, esse nihilominus inter se fratres, spes aliqua esset, 
fore ut et ipsas quoque controversis multo majore tractarentur 
£equanimitate ; quin etiam, ut, sublatis simultatibus, inter eos 
tandem conveniret, atque ita adversariis omnis praecideretur 
calumniandi occasio. Quod ut aliquando contingat, summis 
precibus est k Deo contendendum." 


"It is true there is extant that very ancient and biief confes- 
sion, which, under the name of The Creed, is ascribed to the 
Apostles, and this confession every one admits. Why so ? The 
reason is by no means obscure. It embraces nothing but the 
chief heads of Christian piety, and those which are most certain 
and obvious to every one. In it there is no judgment or decision 
on any curious question. Therefore it leaves no one any subtlety 
as a reason why he approves it. Accordingly it is obvious from 
this how it is that hardly any one would subscribe another's 
confession in preference to thinking out a new one ; because, 
forsooth, besides that we employ [in preference] our own words, 
not those which the Holy Spirit has employed, we wish to 
embrace [in our creed] every little minute particular. If it were 
certain that the Apostles were the authors, with a view to its 
being the creed of Christians, of that confession which has been 
composed with their label, he would hardly be free from rashness 
who should not be content with it. Yet, since no one doubts 
that the ground of our justification is the principal head of evan- 
gelical doctrine, and thus a sort of summary of it ; and since this 
is touched [in the Apostles' Creed] only in the one expression 
' remission of sins,' so that it may seem capable of being accom- 
modated to contrary opinions, I hardly know what to think. 


For it does not openly exclude the very greatest error on the 
subject of merit. And who cannot be surprised, too, that not 
any mention is made either of Baptism or of the Lord's Supper? 
" But, as the matter stands, we propose these things for con- 
sideration by pious minds ; if haply by any method some confes- 
sion of faith may sometime be composed, such as may satisfy all 
pious churches. For though there should still be controversies 
remaining, yet when men, between whom these controversies 
should come, should be persuaded that nevertheless they have 
laws in common on sacred things, that nevertheless they are 
brothers among themselves, there might be some hope that even 
the very controversies too might be handled with much greater 
calmness ; nay even that, strifes being dismissed, there might at 
length be agreement among them, and so all occasion of calumny 
from their adversaries might be cut off. ' That this may some 
time come about, we must with our utmost prayers endeavour to 
obtain from God." 

Protest of Acontius against the Church's use of the secular arm. (Sira- 
tageinata Saiance, bk. iii., first ed., pp. 95, 96.) 

" Sunt quibus quiescente gladio protinus de religione omni 
actum fore videatur. Magna vero fiat Domino injuria, si eum 
dormire suspicemur, neque sui populi ullam eum curam tangere ; 
vel sine gladio Evangelium eum suum conservare non posse, 
quasi Verbi nulla esset vis, verum Christianis omnis in ferro 

posita spes esse videatur Bono simus animo, non dormit 

Dominus, sed vigilat. Si in illo nostra posita sit spes omnis, si 
Verbo pugnaverimus, sed ejus afiflati spiritu (qui assiduis impe- 
trandus est precibus), nae quod ab haereticis timeamus nihil 

"At vero si semel illud obtinuerint pastores, ut quisquis mutire 
quid ausus fuerit, protinus sit accersendus carnifex, qui solo 
gladio omnes solvat nodos, quod deinceps magnum sit divinarum 
literarum studium.'' Certe non magnopere sibi opus esse intelli- 
gant. Poterunt enim quidquid somniaverint misero popello 
obtrudere ; et suum nihilominus tueri dignitatis locum. Va; 
nobis, v£e nostris posteris, si hoc, quo uno et pugnare nobis licet, 
et vincere semper possumus, abjecerimus telum. Actum sit." 
[Translated above, pp. 176, 177.] 



(P. 192.) 

Letters of Lelio Sozini to Johann Wolff, 1554- — 1555- (From the 
Hotthigersche Saininlung, vols. v. p. 332, and vii. p. 198, by the kind- 
ness of Prof. Fritzsche, of Zurich.) 

1. "Si nomen Spiritus commune est tribus Personis in hac 
propositione Dens est Spiritus^ quoniam significat essentiam 
spiritualem; ego scire velim an significet aliud, quando tertiam 
designat Personam ? Quid tandem monstret a Patre et Filio 
discretum? Quteso dicas subiectum ne sit an pra;dicatum? 
Num Deo tunc nomen Spiritus concedatur, ut Patris et Filii 
nomen tribuitur.? Sed quam relationem habeat simul indicato. 
An Spiritus ille reperiatur in Dei essentia ab eo distinctus qui 
est Deus Pater atque Filius ? Postremo vide an Filius de ipso 
Deo, sicut Pater, omnino prsedicetur : nam Jesus Christus, illius 
Dei Filius, qui trinus et unus creditur esse, non tamen Filius 
Trinitatis dicitur, quamvis creatura sit et opera Trinitatis ab 
extra censeantur indivisa." 

2. " Nihil gratius mihi poterat contingere, verum ipse ad te 
veniam et gratias agam. Interea bene et feliciter vale, mi Joanne 
Vulphi, quem ego pluris facio et magis diligo atque colo quam 
re ipsa declaraverim ; sed occasio dabitur ut me vera loqui et 
scribere intelligat. 

" Laelius, sive de amicitia vera et Christiana quze in ceternum 


I. "If, in the proposition God is Spirit, the term Spirit is 
common to the three Persons, since it signifies spiritual essence, 
I would wish to know whether it signifies something else when 
it designates the third Person ? What in short does it point to, 
distinct from the Father and the Son? Prithee tell me, Is it 
subject or predicate? Surely the name of Spirit is not then 
granted to God [in the same way] as the name of Father and 
of Son is applied ? But indicate at the same time what relation 
it bears. Can that Spirit be found in the essence of God, dis- 
tinct from him who is God the Father and the Son ? Lastly, 
see whether the word Son is predicated out and out of God 


himself, like Father ; for Jesus Christ, the Son of that God who 
is believed to be threefold and one, is nevertheless not called 
Son of the Trinity, although he be a creature, and the extra 
works of the Trinity are reckoned indistributable [among the 

2. "Nothing more pleasant could happen to me, but I will 
myself come to you and thank you. Meantime, fare well and 
happily, my John Wolff, whom I make more of, and love and 
reverence more than I could really express ; but occasion will 
be given that he may understand that I speak and write what is 

"Laslius, or Friendship, true and Christian, which for ever 


(P- I93-) 
Extract from the Racovian Catechism, 1609, bk. ii. chap. ii. quest. 71, 
73i 74? 75' 78) 80. {Catechesis Ecclesiarmii qua: in regno Polonicc et 
inagno diuatu Lithuania . . . affiinnant: netuinem alium prater Patrem 
domitii nostri Jesu Christi esse ilium tcriuni Deuni Israelis ; hominem 
autem ilium yesum N^azarenum, qui ex vi}-gine natus est, nee alium 
prater aut ante ipsuni, Dei filium unigenitum, et agnoscutit et confi- 
tentur. Racovias, 1609.) 

" D. Exposuisti qufe cognitu ad salutem de essentia Dei sunt 
prorsus necessaria : expone, quse ad earn rem vehementer utilia 
censeas ? 

"R. Id quidem est ut cognoscamus, in essentia Dei unam 
tantum personam esse. 

" D. Quasnam est hsec una persona divina ? 

" R. Est ille Deus unus, Domini nostri Jesu Christi Pater. 

" D. Qui istud planum facis ? 

" R. Testimoniis Scripturae evidentissimis, quae sunt : Htec 
est vita seterna (ait Jesus) ut cognoscant te (Pater) ilium solum 
verum Deum, Jo. xvii. 3. Et ad Corinthios Apostolus scribit : 
Nobis unus Deus (est) ille Pater, ex quo omnia, i Cor. viii. 6. 
Et ad Ephesios : Unus est Deus et pater omnium, qui est super 
omnia et per omnia et in omnibus, Eph. iv. 6. 


" D. Verum Christiani non solum Patrem, verum etiam Filium 
et Spiritum Sanctum personas esse in una deitate vulgo statuunt. 

"R. Non me clam est; sed graviter in eo errant, argumenta 
ejus rei afferentes e Scripturis male intellectis. 

" D. Quid autem de Filio respondebis ? 

" R. Ea vox, Deus, duobus potissimum modis in Scripturis 
usurpatur : Prior est, cum designat Ilium qui in ccelis et in terra 
omnibus ita dominatur et prtsest, ut neminem superiorem agnos- 
cat : ita omnium auctor est et principium, ut a nemine dependeat. 
Posterior modus est, cum eum denotat cjui potestatem aliquam 
sublimem ab uno illo Deo habet, aut deitatis unius illius Dei 
aliqua ratione particeps est. Etenim in Scripturis, propterea, 
Deus ille unus Deus Deorum vocatur, Ps. 1. i. Atque ea quidem 
posteriore ratione Filius Dei vocatur Deus in quibusdam Scrip- 
tur?e locis. 

" D. De Spiritu autem Sancto quid respondes ? 

" R. Spiritus Sanctus nusquam in Scripturis vocatur expresse 
Deus. Quia vero, quibusdam locis, ea attribuit ipsi Scriptura, 
CjUEC Dei sunt, non eo facit, ac si ipse vel Deus sit, vel persona 
divinitatis ; sed longe aliam ob causam, quemadmodum suo loco 


" Disciple. You have set forth the points which are absolutely 
necessary to a saving knowledge of the essence of God ; now set 
forth those which you deem eminently conducive to that pur- 

"Responsor. It certainly is so, to know that in the essence 
of God there is but one person. 

" D. Which is this one divine person? 

" R. It is the one God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

" D. How do you make that plain? 

" R. By the clearest testimonies of Scripture ; which are : This 
is life eternal (said Jesus) to know thee (Father) the only true 
God, Jo. xvii. 3. And the Apostle writes to the Corinthians : 
To us (there is) one God the Father, from whom (are) all things, 
I Cor. viii. 6. And to the Ephesians: There is one God and 


Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in all, 
Eph. iv. 6. 

" D. But Christians commonly maintain that not the Father 
alone, but also the Son and the Holy Spirit are persons in the 
one Godhead. 

" R. That is no secret to me ; but therein they gravely err, 
producing arguments on this matter from Scriptures ill under- 

" D. But what answer will you make respecting the Son ? 

" R. This word God is employed in two ways mostly in the 
Scripture. The former is when it designates Him who so rules 
and presides over all things in heaven and earth, that He owns 
no superior, and is so the author and fountain-head of all things 
as to depend on none. The latter way is when it denotes him 
who has some sublime power from that one God, or is in some 
way partaker of the Godhead of that one God. For in the 
Scriptures, on this account, that one God is called God of Gods, 
Ps. 1. I. And on this latter ground the Son of God is called God 
in some places of Scripture. 

" D. But what answer do you make respecting the Holy 

" R. The Holy Spirit is nowhere expressly called God in the 
Scriptures. But because, in some places, the Scripture attributes 
to him those things which belong to God, it does not do so on 
the ground as if he were either God, or a person of the divinity, 
but for a very different cause, as you shall hear in its proper 


(P. 2IO.) 
John Milton on the Unity of God. {De Dodr. Chr. i. 2, pp. 17, 18.) 

Having cited several texts of the Old Testament in favour of 
the Divine Unity, Milton thus proceeds: 

" Quid planius, quid distinctius, quid ad vulgi sensum quoti- 
dianumque loquendi usum accommodatius dici potuit, ut intelli- 
geret Dei populus esse unum numero Deum, unum spiritum, et 


ut quidvis aliud numerando unum esse intelligebat ? yEquum 
enim erat, et rationi summe consentaneum, sic tradi primum 
illud adeoque maximum mandatum, in quo Deus ab universe 
populo, etiam infimo, religiose coli volebat, ut ne quid in eo 
ambiguum, ne quid obscurum suos cultores in errorem impel- 
leret, aut dubitatione aliqua suspenses teneret : atque ita prorsus 
intellexit semper populus ille, sub lege atque prophetis, Deum 
nempe unum numero esse, alium preeterea neminem, nedum 
parem. Enimvero nondum nati erant scholastici qui acumi- 
nibus suis, vel potius meris repugnantiis confisi, unitatem Dei, 
quam asserere pra; se ferebant, in dubium vocarunt. Quod 
autem in omnipotentia Dei merito excipi omnes agnoscant, non 
ea posse Deum quee contradictionem, quod aiunt, implicant, ut 
supra monuimus, ita hie meminerimus non posse de uno Deo 
dici quae unitati ejus repugnant, unumque et non unum faciunt. 

" Nunc ad Novi Foederis testimonia veniamus non minus 
clara, dum priora repetunt, et hoc insuper clariora, quod Patrem 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi unum ilium Deum esse testantur. 
Marc, xii., interrogatus Christus quodnam esset primum omnium 
mandatum, respondit (v. 29) ex Deut. vi. 4, supra citato, adeoque 
non aliter intellecto atque intelligi solebat, Audi Israel^ Dominus 
Dens ttoster, Dominus unus est^ cui response scriba ille assensus 
(v. 32) Bene^ inquit, prcEceptor, in veritate dixisti: nam unus est 
Deus, 7iec alius est prater eum " 

" What could be said more plainly, more distinctly, in a man- 
ner more adapted to ordinary capacity and the daily usage of 
speech, so that the people of God might understand that God is 
one numerically, one spirit, and precisely as they understood any 
other thing to be one numerically ? For it was just, and in the 
highest degree agreeable to reason, that the first and therefore 
the greatest commandment, wherein God's will was that He be 
religiously worshipped by the whole people, even the lowest of 
them, should be so delivered that nothing ambiguous therein 
nothing obscure, should drive His worshippers into error, Or 
hold them suspended in any doubt : and in that manner this 
people ever thoroughly understood it, under the law and the 
prophets, namely that God is one numerically, and there is none 




other besides, still less any equal. For truly the Schoolmen were 
not yet born, who, relying on their subtleties or rather sheer 
incompatibilities, cast a doubt upon the unity of God which they 
professed to assert. But as we have given warning above, that 
all own as a just exception to the omnipotence of God that God 
cannot do those things which involve what is called a contradic- 
tion, so here let us remember that of the one God things cannot 
be said which are incompatible with His unity, and make Him 
one and not one. 

" Let us now come to the testimonies of the New Covenant, 
which are not less clear while they recapitulate the foregoing, 
and are in this respect still clearer, that they testify that the 
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ is the one God. In Mark xii., 
Christ, being asked which was the first commandment of all, 
answered (verse 29) from Deut. vi. 4, above cited, and thus [by 
him] not otherwise understood than as it was wont to be under- 
stood, ' Hear, Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is One,' to 
which answer the scribe assenting said (verse 32), ' Teacher, 
thou hast spoken in truth : for one is God, and there is none but 
He.' " 


Names of authorities quote.l are in italics. 

Abel, John, 115 «. 
Accademia dei Sizienti, 180. 
Acceptationism, 97, 130, 261 — 262. 
Acontius, see Contio. 
Adam, 130, 216. 
Adda, the, 87, 88, 92. 
Adriaans, Cornelis, xii«., 39, 129. 
Adriaanszoon van Hamstede, Cor- 
nelis, 65, 134, 135—136, IS9> 161, 

164, 171, 172, 257 — 261. 
Adrianus, 243 — 244. 
Agapa;, 96. 

A Kempis, see Hemerken. 
A Lasco, see Laski. 
Albigenses, i. 

Alciati, Gianpaolo, 100, 103 — 105. 
Alessandria, no. 
Alexandre, Pierre, 118, 119. 
Alexandria, 220. 
Aliodi, see Claude. 
Alps, 86; Cottian, 72; Rhaetian, 87. 
Alsace, 49, 54, 70, 99, 118. 
Altieri, Baldassare, ix, 68 — 69, 77, 

Alumbrados, 2. 
American Repuljlic, 213. 
Amsterdam, 44, 45, 46, 49, 172, 

195, 204, 208, 212. 
Anabaptism — Dutch, 21 ; 35, 40, 

44, 56, 82; Servetus, 102; 127, 

128, 213, 243, 244. 
Anabaptists, vi, xii, 5, 7, 9, 15, 18, 

29, 36, 38, 43, 45, 49, 50, 51, 52, 

56, 60, 61 «., 64, 67, 135, 164, 

174, 193, 199, 257, 259. 
Ancona, 134. 
Andrea, Dr., 134. 
Angels, 225. 

Anglican Church, v, 21, 23, 32, 33; 
characteristics, 34 ; 35, 37, 62, 
63, 64 — 65, 119, 205, 207. 

Anglo-Italian element, 214. 

Anna, of Oldenburg, 47. 

Anselm, 144, 150. 

Ante-Nicene Fathers, 208,214, 220. 

Antichrist, Roman, 91, 126. 

Antinomianism, 51. 

Antioch, 220. 

Antitrinitarianism, 50, 55 ; Italy, 
81; Orisons, 98; Oeneva, loi ; 
130, 135, 182, 220. 

Antitrinitarians, 5, 7, 9, 18, 29, 56, 
57, 64. 

Antitrinitarian tendency of the Re- 
formation, 5, 9, 10, 17, 52; Italy, 
78 ; Orisons, 94. 

Antwerp, 33, 58, 133, 155, 156, 

Apocalypse, 169. 
A Porta, Egidio, 105. 
Apostles, the, 222. 
Apostles' Creed, see Syinbolnni Ro- 

Apostolate, the, 28. 
Apostolic Church, 100, 249 — 251. 
Appiano, Filippo, 107, 109 n. 
Apulia, 72. 
Aquila, 68. 
Archimedes, 162. 
Arianism, ix,4i, 131, 152, 193,209, 

210, 212. 
Arians-, 18, 19, 38, 51, 12S, 129, 

195, 213, 252, 254. 
Aristocracy, English, 30 — 31. 
Aristotle, 79, 162, 176. 
Arius, 214, 219. 

T 2 



Arminianism, xii, 205. 
Ai'minians, xiv, 65, 165, 172, 197, 

204, 211. 
Arminius, see Hermans. 
Arnoldists, 2. 
Artemon, 219, 220. 
Articles of Reformation (1536), 31. 
Arundel, Thomas, 58. 
Ashton, John, 27. 
Assheton, John, 38. 
Athanasian Creed, see Symboliim 

Athanasianism, 55, 83, 213. 
Athanasius, 24. 

Atheists, Unitarians called, 18. 
Atonement, see Redemption. 
Augsburg, 49, 107, 109, MO, J 13, 

116, 146. 
Augsburg Confession, 12, 157. 
Augustinus, Aurelius, xi, 4, 24, 1 16, 

Augustinians, 33, 92, 231 — 232. 
Austin Friars, viii, 32, 33, 61, 121 

— 122, 131 — 132, 178, 194, 231, 

237, 241. 
Avignon, 119. 

Babington, Warden of the Fleet, 64. 
Babington, Churchill, 211., 71 n. 
Bacon, Francis, ■^'j, 155, 165, 166. 
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 155. 
Baden, in Aargau, 106. 
Bailiwicks, Italian, 87 — 89. 
Baillet, Adrieti, 16% n. 
Balbani, Manfredo, 186, 188. 
Balbani, Niccolo, 83, 142 n. 
Balbani, the, 100, no. 
Baldo, de Ubaldis, 162, 186. 
Baldi, Joachim, 90. 
Baptism, 28, 170. 
Baptism, private, 183. 
Baptismal formula, 222, 232, 235. 
Baptists, American, 216. 
Baixlay, Robert, the Apologist, 36«., 

207, 208, 213. 
Barclay, Robert, 44, 49. 
Bargagli, Scipione, 186 «. 
Barlow, William, 158—159. 
Baron, a Spanish refugee, 133. 
Barons, Friar, 33, 231 — 232. 

Barrett, William, 65 ;/. 

Bartolo, di Sassoferrato, 162, 1S6. 

Baschi, Matteo, 139. 

Basel, V, 3, 52, 53, 72, 84^., 91, 99, 

loi, 107, 109, no — 112, 114, 115, 

145, 146, 147, 149, 163, 164, 172, 

180, 183, 188. 
Basel, Registers of French Church, 

no n., in u. 
Battenburgians, 46. 
Baur, Ferdinand Christiaii, 10, 24, 

36, 85 n., 102 n., 223. 
Bayle, Piet-re, Ii8;z., 165 «. 
Beccaria, Giovanni, 93, 106, 107, 

Bedford, Earl of, n8, 151, 153, 194. 
Bell Alley, 197. 
Bellerive, see Corro. 
Bembo, Pietro, 137. 
Benedetto, of Locarno, 75, 93, 140. 
Benedetto, of Mantua, 74, 141 n. 
Benedictus, of Nursia, 140. 
Benedictines, 141 n. 
Benefizio de Gesii Crista, 2, 70, 141, 

149, 153- 

Benincasa, Caterina, 76, 138. 

Benrath, Karl, 50;/., 74«., 75 ''•, 
io3«., 107 «., io8;z.. III;/., 
116 «., W] n., 130;?., 137 «., 
138 «., 139 «., 140;/., 144//., 
145 «., 147;/., 148;/., 155 '^, 
163 n., 228 n. 

Bergamo, no. 

Bern, 105. 

Bernina Pass, 91. 

Bcriius, Auguste, won.. Ill n. 

Besozzo, Antonio Maria, 93, 109, 

Besozzo, Clara, 107. 

Besze, Theodore, 79, 81, no, 157, 

Betti, Francesco, 104, 107, 161 ;;., 

162 — 164, 169, 171, 175 «., 18S. 
Betti, the, no. 
Belts, John Thomas, 73;/. 
Betulejus, see Birck. 
Beukelszoon, Jan, 44. 
Beza, see Besze. 
Biandrata. Giorgio, 7, 103 — 104, 





Bil)le, authority, 21; contents, 20; 

vernacular translations, xv. 
Bible, English, xii — xvi. 
Bible, Italian, 75, 78. 
Bible, Spanish, xv, 117. 
Biblemen, 27, 31, 33. 
Bibliander, see Buchmann. 
Bidle, John, xiv, xv, 20, 21, 37, 197, 

200, 201 — 204, 207, 20S, 210, 214 

— 215, 216 «., 217, 224, 225 «. 
Binningen, Johann von, 47. 
Birck, Sixt, 146. 

Bisschop, Simon, 165 «., 172, 211. 
Biveroni, Giaconio, 90, 92. 
Bivio, 94 71. 
Bizarri, Pietro, 70, no, 114, 1 1 7, 

118, 161 n. 
Blasphemy, 201. 
Blonski, Abraham, 189. 
Boccaccio, Giovanni, 68. 
Bocher, Joan, 38. 

Boehmer, Edward, 73«.,83;;., i \']n. 
Bologna, 71, 74, 79, 80, 84, 180, 

Bolsec, Jerome Hermas, no. 
Bomberg, Daniel, So. 
Bonaventura, see Fidenza. 
Bondo, 94 n. 
Bonifacio VIII., 147. 
Boimet, Jules, 77, loi ;z. 
Borgarucci, Giulio, 134. 
Borgo d'Oltramontani, 72. 
Bormio, 88. 

Borrhaus, Martin, 6, 44, 56. 
Bossnet, Jacques Benigne, 218. 
Boston, 217. 
Bourchier, Thomas, 29. 
Braccietti, the, 77. 
Bradshaw, John, 202. 
Brandon, Charles, 253, 256. 
Brandt, Gerard, 39, 43 «., 133 'Z- 
Brescia, 69, loi. 
Bruccioli, Antonio, 75. 
Bruccioli, the, 77, 78. 
Bruges, xii«. ; Convention of, 30 ; 

39, 129. 
Briigge, Johann von, 47. 
Brully, Pierre, 118. 
Brunetti, the, 70. 
Brusio, 94 «. 

Brussels, 117, 118. 

Bucer, see Kuhhorn. 

Buchlein, Paul, 33, 52, 58;/., 70, 
113, 118, 119. 

Buchmann, Theodor, 52, 163, 1S3, 
253. 256. 

Buckholdt, Conference, 46. 

Budny, Szymon, 19. 

Bugenhagen, Johann, 3. 

Bullinger, Heinrich, 36, 50 ;/., 52, 
54. 55. 59, 63, 64, 65, 69, 93, 95, 
99«., 106, 113 «., 114 «.. 117, 
118 «., 121 «., 122 «., 123;/., 
124;/., 125, 128, 129, 143, i53»., 
159 «., 183, 192, 194, 251, 254 «. 

Buonconvento, 179. 

Burcher, John, 194. 

Burgos, 117. 

Burlamacchi, the, 100. 

Bzirlaniacchi, Vincentio, lOI. 

Burleigh, Baron, 61, 120, 126, 127, 

133. 153, 156- 

Burn, John Southernden, 122;/. 
Burnet, Gilbert, 236. 
Burrows, Montagu, 30. 
Bury, Arthur, 206. 
Butler, John, 53. 

Calabria, 72, 84. 

Calais, 119. 

Calvary, xi. 

Calvin, Jehan, 4 ; Institutio, 5 j 6 ; 
Trinity, 15 — 17; 37,41,52,53 — 
54, 56, 59, 6o«.,63, 65, 77, 78, 
82, 84, 86, 96, 99, IOC; Serveto, 
102 — 103; 1 10, 112, 113, ii9«., 
125, 129—130, 137; 138, 143 n., 
144, 145, 147;/., 148, 149"-, 157, 
163, 183, 190, 220; Valdes, 243, 

Calvinism, v, 175. 

Calvinists, 142, 206, 225, 226. 

Cambridge University, 33, 113, 117, 

"9, 133- 
Camerarius, see Kammermeister. 
Camillo (called Renato), 84, 86, 92, 

95 — 97, 103, 104, 182. 
Campanus, John, 6. 
Canterbury, 116, 118, 1 19, 127, 

134, 153- 



Cantii, Cesare, 76;/., 180 «., 186 «. 

Capito, see Kopfel. 

Capo d'Istria, 91, 142;/. 

Capuchins, 94, 139, 140. 

Caracciolo, Galeazzo, 74, lOO, loi. 

Caraffa, Giampietro, 68, 143. 

Cardoini, the, 71. 

Carignano, 72. 

Cadisle, 118. 

Carnesecchi, Pietro, 74j 75- 

Caroli, Pierre, 16. 

Caroline, Queen, 197. 

Carondileto, Giovanni, 232. 

Casaccia, 94 n. 

Caserta, Francesco, 74. 

Caspan, 95. 

Cassiodoro, Juan, de Reyna, lOl, 

Castasegna, 94 «. 
Castellio, see Chateillon. 
Castelvetro, Lodovico, 92, 100. 
Castiglione, Giovanni Battista, 134, 

161, 165, 172. 
Castiglione, Giovanni Francesco, 

iiiw., 188. 
Castiglione, Varnerio, 93, 106. 
Cataneis, Albertus de, 72. 
Catherine, St., see Benincasa. 
Catherine II., 72. 
Catholicity, 226 — 230. 
Cavour, 72. 

Cecil, William, see Burleigh. 
Cecilia, St., 126. 
Celiljacy, clerical, 58. 
Cellarius, see Borrhaus. 
Celsi, Mino, 76, no, 112, 176. 
Celtis, Conrad, 180. 
Champel, 102. 
Channing, William Ellery, xiv, xvi, 

20, 21, 26, 217, 222 ;/., 224 — 226, 

Charles I., 195, 200. 
Charles V., 71, 73, 74, 84, 137, 141, 

Chastellain, Pierre, 134. 
Chateillon, Sebastien, 1 10, 1 1 1, 1 12, 

113;/., 145, 146, 151 «., 158—159, 

176, 188. 
Chatham, Earl of, 35 n. 
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 67. 

Cheke, John, 61, 62, in, 113, 120, 

147, 153- 
Cheltenham, 203. 
Cheynell, Francis, 17 1, 173, 174 «., 

196, 200 n. 
Chiaja, the, 74. 
Chiavenna, v, 88, 90, 91, 92 — 93, 96, 

97, 98, III «., 114, 143, 149, 182. 
Chieri, 72. 

Chillingworth, William, xii, 37, 174. 
Christ, two natures, 4, 55, 80 ; 

images of, 5; hypostasis, 10; 23; 

truly man, 38 ; man-God, 51 ; 56, 

57, 85, 94; fallible, 96; 98, 104, 

128,130—131, 135, 139, 151, 177, 

178, 191, 192, 211, 222, 225, 261 

— 264. 
Christian, preference of Socinians 

for this name, 22S — 229. 
Christiern III., 131. 
Christology, xi, 138. 
Chur, 88,. 90, 94, 95, 97, 98. 
Church, Christian, 222. 
Cibo, Caterina, 143. 
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 80. 
Circulation of the blood, 84. 
Citolini, the, 114. 
Clarke, Samuel, 208, 214. 
Claude, of Savoy, 15- 
Clemente VII., 53, 73. 
Colchester, 48, 134. 
Coleman Street, 197. 
Colet, John, 41. 
Colli, the, no. 
Collier, Jeremy, 24 n. 

66;;., 132;?., 236. 
Colonna family, 68. 
Colonna, Vittoria, 73> ^37' 

162 n. 
Comander, see Dorfmann. 
Comenius, see Kommensky. 
Commonwealth, English, 213. 
Communism — Apostolic, 5 ; 

252, 254. 
Como, bishopric of, 87, 88. 
Compagni, Bartolommeo, 159. 
Comprehension, 173 ''• 
Compromise, 35. 
Conception, supernatural, the, ix, 

50, 224, 252, 254. 

61 n., 62 «. 





Confession, auricular, xiii, 58. 
Confessionsof Faith, 169 — 170,228. 
Constantine, Donation of, xiv, 79. 
Constanz, 3, 7, 146. 
Consubstantiality, 6, 233, 234. 
Contarini, Gasparo, 68, 143. 
Contio, Giacomo, 65, 71, 81, 107, 

134. 135—136, 155' 159—177. 

178,182, 186, 188,193, 196, 197 — 

198, 199, 200, 205, 206, 207, 213, 

224, 226, 228, 229, 264 — 268. 
Conventicle Act, 204, 205. 
Conversion, 50. 
Cooke, Anne, 153, 155. 
Cooke, Sir Anthony, 153, 155 n. 
Cooke, Lady, 155 «. 
Coombe, Edward, 197. 
Cooper, John, 203. 
Coquerels, the, xiv. 
Cordeliers, 140. 
Corranus, see Corro. 
Corro, Antonio de, 65, 133, 155 — 

160, 172, 178, 193, 199. 
Cosenza, 84. 
Cosmopolitanism, 227. 
Costa, Andrea, 1 1 1 «. 
Couet, Jacques, 188. 
Cousin, Jean, 134, 136, 157. 
Coverdale, Miles, 58, 59, 62. 
Cox, Richard, 62. 
Cranmer, Thomas, 4, 31, 32, 33, 

52, 54, 58, 60—62, 70, 112— 113, 

115— 121, 127, 147, 148, 253, 

Creation, 11, 222, 269 — 270. 
Creeds, the, xiii, 31. 
Crell, see Krell. 
Cremona, 91. 
Crenius, see C?-iisi'us. 
Cressy, Hugh Paulin, 196. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 209. 
Cromwell, Thomas, 31, 54. 
Crusius, Thomas Theodoriis, l69«., 

Cuen9a, 73. 
Culdees, 24. 
Curione, Celio Secondo, 69, 76, 81, 

95,96, III — 112, 113, 116; 119, 

145, 147, 164. 
Curioni, the, iio. 

Cyprianus, Thascius, 116;?. 

Dammartin, Madlle, 116. 

D'Annoni, the, no. 

Dante Alighieri, 76. 

Dardier, CliarJes, 84 n. 

D'Avalos, Costanza, 74. 

D'Avalos family, 162. 

David, Ferencz, 19, 82 «., 189, 215. 

Davos, 88, 89, 92. 

Day, John, 153. 

De Brez, Guy, 133. 

Dee, John, 265, 266. 

Deism, 19, 222. 

De la Palma, Marco, 133. 

Delft, vi, 45, 48, 49. 

Delia Riva family, 99. 

Deloen, Pieter, 134. 

Deloen, Wouter, 122, 124, 23S, 242, 
252, 255. 

Denk, Johann, 44, 56. 

Denmark, 131. 

De Ponchell, Antoine, 134. 

De Questa, a Spanish refugee, 133. 

De Salis, Ercole, 92. 

De Salis, the, 92. 

Descartes, Rene, 165, 166, 167 — 168, 
172, 178, 190. 

De Trye, Guillaume Henri Cathe- 
rin, 102. 

Diaz, Juan, lOl. 

Diodati, the, no. 

Dominicans, 87, 91. 

Domo d'Ossola, 88. 

Dordrecht, 39. 

Dorfmann, Johann, 90, 92. 

Drain, Mdise, 133 «., 142 «. 

Dryander, see Enzina. 

Duno, Taddeo, 93, 107, 150;/. 

Duns, John, 139, 150, 190. 

Durie, John, 173. 

Dutch Church, London; see Ger- 
mans' Church, Strangers' Church. 

Dtitch Church, Registers, 122 «. 

Dutch refugees in England, 122, 

Ebionites, 95. 
Eclecticism, 80. 
Edward HL, 30. 


Edward VI., 32, 36, 49, 55, 59, 6otz., 
61, 62, 63, 70, 113, 114, 115, 117, 
119, 120, 123, 127, 131, 147, 153, 
194, 236—243. 

Edwards, John, 211 — 212. 

Egidio, di Viterbo, 71, 80. plantees, 79. 

Eldon, Lord, 134. 

Eliot, Nicolas, 53, 54;/. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 35, 36, 49, 63, 
108, 131, 148, 153—154, 161, 164, 

Elsinore (Helsingor), 131 n. 
Emanuele Filiberto, 72. 
Emden, v, 46, 48, 49, 81, 113, 120, 

123, 131, 243, 244. 
Engadine, the, 90, 91, 94, 99, ill n. 
English Reformation, aristocratic, 

. 3?— 31- 
Enzina, Francisco de, 1 17, 119, 

122 «., 153. 
Epicureans, 252, 254. 
Epiphanius, 116 n., 118. 
Episcopacy, 35, 62, 131. 
Episcopalians, 199. 
Episcopius, see Bisschop. 
Erasmus, Desiderius, vi, xi, 2 «., 39, 

40, 41—43, 52, 55, 56, 67, 82, 83, 

no. III, 113, 120, 129, 158, 193, 

220, 232 — 235. 
Ercole II., 76. 
Jirichson, Alfred, 55 «. 
Eschatology, x. 

Eternal Sonship, 191, 193, 219. 
Evangelicals, 131. 
Extratrinitarian position, 178, 194. 

Fabriz, Andreas, 90. 

Fagius, see Buchlein. 

Faith and Reason, xiv, 80. 

Falkland, Viscount, 196. 

P'amily of Love, ix, 48, 49. 

Farel, Guillaume, xi, 15, 507?., 54, 

Farges, 103. 
Fatherhood of God, xiii, 222, 223, 

225, 262, 263, 269, 270, 271, 273, 

Fatio family, 1 1 1 «. 
Fazy, Henri, 105 n., 245. 

Felice, of Prato, 80. 

Ferrara, 68, 72, 76 — 77, 117. 

Fettan, 94. 

Fick, Jtiles Guillaume, 1 5 n. 

Fidenza, Giovanni (or Pietro), 139. 

Fieri, Lodovico, 92, 97, 98. 

Filiberto VI., 72. 

Fiorenzio, 120, 12^11. 

Fileno, Lisia, see Ricci. 

Firmin, Thomas, 200, 204 — 207, 

216 u. 
Fitzwilliam, Lady, 155 «. 
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, 155 «. 
Flacio Illyrico, see Francowitz. 
Flaminio, Marcantonio, 68, 74, 77, 

141 n. 
Flanders, see Low Countries. 
Fleet Prison, 64. 
Flekwijk, Herman van, xii;;., 39, 

Flemish Church in London, 124— 

125, 134. 
Flemish refugees in England, 122 — 

123, 131- 
Florence, 91 n., 149, 175, 188. 
Florio, Michel-Angelo, 97, 114, 

125—127, 129—130, 134, 158. 
Fontana, Baldassare, 105. 
Foreigners' Church, see Strangers'. 
Forty-two Articles, 60. 
Fox, George, 35. 
Fox, Richard, 231 — 232. 
Foxe,John, 28, 54, 62, 63, 1 14. 
France, xv, I, 88, 118. 
Francesco, of Calabria, 84, 94. 
Francesco, of Padua, 104. 
Franciscans, 87, 93, 106, 139, 140, 

Franco- Helvetic Protestantism, 4, 

Francois, Richard, 65, 122, 238, 

Francowitz, Mattia Flach, 77, 156. 
Frankfurt-a-M., 62, 265. 
Fratres Poloni, 10, 16, 204. 
French Church, Basel, 188 ; Emden, 

243; London, 123 — 124,130,171. 
French refugees in England, 118, 

122, 206. 
Friedrich III. of Saxony, 71. 



Friedrichsburg, 204. 
Friese, Johann, 163. 253, 256. 
Friesland, 47, 49, 81, 120, 243. 
Froben, Johann, no. 
Fugger family, 113. 

Galiffe, Jacques August in, 99 11., 
loi ;?., 134;;. 

Gallo, Nicolao, 104, 247, 248. 

Gamaliel, 226. 

Gansfort, Johan Wessel, 142. 

tjarnier, Jean, 119. 

Gaskeil, IVilliaiit, 20. 

Gaul, 219. 

Geelen, Jan van, 38, 44 — 45, 49. 

Geiler, Johann, 142. 

Geishauser, Oswald, 52, 55, 1 10, 145. 

Geldenhauer, Gerard, 131 n. 

Generation, of the Son, 6, 222, 223. 

Geneva, 5, 7, 52, 56, 63, 84, 99— 
105, 107, 109, no, 114, 124, 142, 
143 — 145, 148, 150, 183, 186, 
194, 218, 243, 245, 249, 250. 

Geneva, Council Registej-s, 100 n. 

Genoa, 126, 143. 

(Jentile, Alberico, 134. 

Gentile, Giovanni Valentino, 16, 
81, 84, 104 — 105, 247, 248. 

Gentile, Matteo, 134. 

Gentile, Scipione, 134. 

Gentili, the, 71. 

George IV., 210 «. 

Germanic Reformers, 227. 

Germans' Church, London, 61, 249 
—250, 252—253, 255—256, 259. 

Germany, xv, 49, 88, 91, 174, 199. 

Gessner, Georg, 253, 256. 

Gex, 103, 105. 

Girolamo, di Melfi, loi. 

Giulio, di Milano, 91, 100. 

Glarus, 90. 

Glastonbury, 127. 

Gloucester, 201, 203. 

Gniezno, 120. 

Gonzaga, Giulia, 74. 

Goodrich, Thomas, 254 w. 

Goodwin, John, 173, 197, 204. 

Gordon, Alexander, 37, 102 ;/., 1 24 n., 
135 «., 139, 153"., 154'?-- 179 «•, 
182, i89«., 200,219;/., 227, 229«. 

Grasser,JohannJakob, 165;/., i^on., 

171 «., 172. 
Grataroli, the, no. 
Gravesend, 131 n. 
Grenoble, 105. 
Grey, Jane, 127. 
Grey Leagues, 88 — 90. 
Gribaldo, Matteo, 78, 81, 86, 103— 

105, 182. 

Grindal, Edmund, 62, n4, 132, 

134. 135. 157, 159. 164, 171, 257, 

Grison dialects, 90. 
Grisons, the, 85, 88 — 99, in ;/., 

Grivel, Ad. C., 245. 
Grosart, Alexander Balloch, 155 n. 
Grynseus, see Gryner. 
Gryner, Simon, 52, 53, 55. 
Guardia, 72. 
Guicliard, Louis Anastasc, 21 «., 38, 

152, 213 n., 218. 
Guidaccerio, Agattia, 80. 
Guizot, F7'ancois Pierre Gtdllauiue, 


Haag, Eugene and Einile, n 8 ;?. 
Haarlem, 44, 46. 
Ilagenau, 56, 84. 
Hague, the, 44, 5o«., 136. 
Hales, John, xii, 174. 
Hallam, Henry, 165 «., 1 76. 
Hamilton, William, 196, 200. 
Hamstede, van, see Adriaanszoon. 
Hardenberg, Albrecht, 120. 
Hardwick, Charles, 34;/., 60 n. 
Harrys, W., 239, 243. 
Hartlib, .Samuel, 173. 
Hatzer, Ludwig, 7, 44, 56. 
Hausschein, Johann, 52, 53, 55 «., 

106, no. 
Heidelberg, 118. 

Helvetic Confession, first, 55. 

Helvidius, 95. 

Hemerken, Thomas, 142. 

Henri II. of France, 72. 

Henry VIII., 30, 32, 53, 54, 58, 

68, n5, 147. 
Henry, an Englishman, 46. 
Heracles, vii. 



Herbert, Baron, of Cherbury, 29, 37. 

Herbst, Johann, no. 

Hereford, Nicholas, 26. 

Heresy, 201. 

Hermans, Jakob, 172. 

Heriiiinjard, Aime Louis, 15, 16. 

Herzog, Johann Jakob, 63;?., 83 «. 

Hesdin, 133. 

Hierarchy, 50. 

High Churchism, 30 — 31, 59, 62 — 

63, 254. 
Hilarius, of Poitiers, 232. 
Hilles, Thomas, 231, 232. 
HispanoTtalian Protestantism, 4. 
Hofmann, Melchior, 44, 51. 
Hofmannites, 46, 47. 
Holland, vi, xii, xv, 37, 168, 204, 

Holy Spirit, 6, 13, 19, 35, 51, 57, 

82, 84, 95 — 96, 100, 131, 144, 192, 

193, 201, 210, 213, 216, 222, 223, 

224, 225, 233—235, 262—264, 

271, 272. 
Homoousia, 6. 

Homoousios, 13, 219, 233, 234. 
Hooper, Anne, 253, 256. 
Hooper, John, 36, 50 «., 58 — 59, 

63—64, 120, 127, 194, 253, 256. 
Hosmann, Andreas, 32. 
Hottinger, Joliann Heinrich, 193 n. 
Hottingasche Samtiilmig, 192 ;;.. 
Hiilner, 168, 172. 
Humanitarianism, ix, 38, 128, 191. 
Humphrey, Laurence, 62, 63, 64. 
Hus, Jan, 27, 138, 218. 
Hypostasis, 10, 223. 

Ignatius, of Antioch, 104, 118. 

Ilanz, 88, 89. 

Images, 5- 

Lnitatione Christi, De, 11. 

Immortality, 96, 192 «., 216. 

Incarnation, ix, 11, 38, 50, 128, 135, 

252, 254, 257, 259. 
Indifferentism, 174. 
Individualism, 227. 
Indulgences, xiii. 
Inn, the, 94 «. 
Inner voice, 51, 160, 213, 224, 243, 


Inquisition, Flanders, 117; France, 

102 ; Italy, 70, 86, 88, 90, 91, 99, 

113, 137, 143, 182, 199,218,225; 

Spain, 73. 
Interim, the, 49, 60, 70, 113, 116, 

119, 120. 
Invocation of Christ, 18 — 19, 215, 

216;/.; Calvin rejects, 17. 
Invocation of Saints, 142. 
Irenceus, 118. 
Isis, vii. 
Istria, 78, 126. 
Italian Church, Basel, no — 112; 

Geneva, 99 — 105, 186, 192, 245; 

London, 70, 71, 125 — 127, 129 — 

131. 133—134, 156, 161, 164; 

Zurich, 105 — 109, 163 — 164. 
Italian Protestants, 3, 217 — 218. 
Italian Reformation, 71 — 78. 
Italian refugees, England, 70 — 71, 

112 — 114; Orisons, 90 — 99 
Italian Unitarians, ix, 225, 229. 
Italy, vi, I, 5, 67, 81, 88, 102, 140, 

143, 147, 186, 199. 
James I., 195. 
Jamet, Lyon, 77. 
Jerlito, Oirolamo, 134, 136, 156 — ■ 

Jerome, of Prag, 27. 
Jerusalem, 5. 
Jesuits, 194, 206. 

Jewel,John, 62, 153, 159, 161, 164. 
Jews, monotheistic influence, 80 — 

81 ; 194. 
Joachim, of Flora, 2, 47. 
Johann Friedrichj Elector of Saxony, 

John, King of England, 24. 
John, St. (I Jo. V. 7), 14. 
Joris, David, 44, 45 — 47, 48, 49, 

Jud, Leo, 52. 
JudiTe, see Jud. 
Julier-Alp, 90. 
Julius II., 71. 
Jundt, Aiiguste, 142;?. 
Justification, Socinian view, 19; 


Kammermeister, Joachim, 12, 18. 





Kepler, Johann, vi. 

King, Baron, 21 1. 

Knowen men, 28, 31. 

Knowles, John, 203. 

Knox, John, 37, 63. 

Kolozsvar, i8g. 

Konigswald, 204. 

Kommensky, Jan Amos, 172. 

Koornhert, Dirk, 176. 

Kopfel, Wolfgang Fabricius, 52, 

, 54, 56-57- 
Kosmoburg, 203. 
Krakow, 109, 189. 
Krell, Christoph, 204. 
Krell, Johann, xiv, 200, 201, 203, 

204, 206. 
Krell, Samuel, 204. 
Kuhhorn, Martin, 3, 33, 52, 54, 

58«., 60, 113, 119, 121 w., 146. 
Knyper, Abraham, 123 «., li/^n., 

125 «., 236, 249. 

Lahoulaye, Emile, 21, 23. 

Lacisio, Paolo, 76, 114. 

Lactantius, L. C. Firmianus, 146. 

Lago di Como, 87, 92. 

Lago Maggiore, 87. 

Lambeth, 112, 115, 119. 

Lamothe, Charles Ci., 206. 

Landolfi, Rodolfo, 92. 

Languet, Hubert, 77. 

La Ramee, Pierre de, 165, 172, 

176, 264—265. 
Lardner, Nathaniel, 217. 
La Riviere, Fran9ois Martoret, 122, 

238, 242. 
La Roche, Michel de, 39. 
Laski, Jan, 46, 49, 60, 65, 1 13, 

119— 126, 129— 131, 135, 153, 

156, 238, 241, 252—253, 255— 

256, 264, 265. 
Lateran Council (1512), 71. 
Latimer, Hugh. 33, 54, 58, 120. 
Latin Protestants, 227. 
Latin races, vi, xv, i. 
Latitudinarians, xii, xiv, 174, 195 — 

196, 205, 206. 
Latomus, see Masson. 
Lavin, 94. 
Law, study of, 80. 

Lechler, Gott/iard Victor, 23 ii., 

26 n., 27 n., 31 «., 37 n. 
Lecky, Win. Edw. Hai-tpole, jgn. 
Le Clerc, Jean, 212. 
Leeuwaarden, 46. 
Legate, Bartholomew, 195. 
Legate, Robert, 120. 
Leicester, Earl of, 134, 156. 
Leiden, 44, 46, 133. 
Leith, 173;/. 
Leighes, 239, 243. 
Lemon, Robert, 210 «. 
Leone, Pietro, 97, 98. 
Leonistas, 2, 88. 

Leti, Gregorio, "Jon., 131;/., 135". 
Liberalism, 174. 
Lichtenhergcr, Frederic, 2 «., 55 '^., 

146?;., 209 n. 
Lifforti, the, 99. 
Lille, 118. 

Limborch, Philipp van, 211. 
Lindsey, Theophilus, 20, 200, 205, 

Lismanini, Francesco, 7, 140, 150. 
Litany, of the Virgin, 14; Luther's, 

14; Anglican, xiii, 34. 
Lithuania, 19, 195. 
Liturgy, Ed. VL, 58. 
Locarno, 88, 91, 93, 106 — 107, 109, 

149, 163, 186, 191 71. 
Locke, John, xii, 20, 26, 209, 21 1 — 

212, 217, 224, 225 «. 
Logos, 17, 25, 102, 222 — 223. 
Lollards, 26, 31, 33, 67. 
London, v, 7, 91 n., 97, 107, 109, 

147, 149, 162, 164, 165 «., 182, 

194, 217, 231. 
Long, Paul, 2 11. 
Lord's Supper, xiii, 4, 64, 1 1 5, 1 16, 

146, 156, 170. 
Lorimer, Peter, 23. 
Loudun, 155. 
Louis Xn., 71, 76. 
Low Countries, 49, 70, 118, 120, 

I33> 179. 199- 
Liibeck, 195. 

Lubieniecky, Stanislaw, 182. 
Lucca, 76, 100, loi, no, 118. 
Lugano, 88. 
Lupetino, Baldo, T], 140. 


Lushington, Thomas, 197, 20Q, 202. 

Luslawice, 189. 

Luther, Martin, xi, 3, 4, 9 ; Trinity, 

12—14; 32, 33, 4I1 55 «•) 69, 72, 

73, 77«-. 78, 82, 105, 138, 139, 

221, 227. 
Lutheranism, v, 4, 92, 143, 175. 
Lutherans, 131 «., 156, 157, 206, 

LiUteroth, Henri, 146 n. 
Lyons, 2, 84 «, 88, 102, 105, 1S6. 

Magistracy, an order of church 

officers, 249, 250. 
Magistrates, authority, 38. 
Magna Charta, 25. 
Maidstone, 134. 
Mainardo, Agostino, 92 — 93, 96, 97, 

Mainz, 49, 180. 
Malherbi, see Mallermi. 
Mallermi, Nicolo di, 75 71. 
Manrico, Alfonso, 42. 
Manriquez, Isabella, 74, 108. 
Mantua, 85, 146. 
Marburg, confession of, 55 n. 
Marguerite, de Valois, 76 — 77. 
Marignano, 88. 
Mariolatry, xiii. 
Marliano, Girolamo, 94, 188. 
Marot, Clement, 77. 
Marriages, mixed, 183. 
Martin, Jacques, 127 n. 
Martineau, James, 20, 225 «. 
Martineau family, 134. 
Martinengo, Celso Massimiliano, 

76, 100, loi, 104, 114, 183, 192 «. 
Martini, Rudolph, 48, 67. 
Mary, mother of David Joris, 46. 
Mary, Queen, 37, 62, 114, 126, 131, 

134, 148, 194- 
Mary, Queen of Hungary, 118. 
Mary, Virgin, 50, 95, 129, 130, 171, 

181, 233, 235. 
Mass, the, xiii, 126. 
Massario, Girolamo, 114, 164. 
Masserano, Filiberto di, 93. 
Masson, Jacques, 13. 
Matthijszoon, Jan, of Haarlem, 


iNlatthijszoon, Jan, of Middelburg, 

Maturo, Bartolommeo, 91. 
M'Crie, Thomas, 68 «., 6gn., 71 ti., 

72 71., 76 «., 81 71., 89 71., 92 71. 
104 «., 125 71., 133 «., 134 71; 

12,7 ^i-, 161, 164 «. 

Medici, Cosimo de', 75, 187, 188. 
Medici, Ferdinando de', 187 71. 
Medici, Francesco de', 187 «., 188. 
Medici, Isabella de', 187, 188. 
Melanchthon, Philipp, 3, 9 ; Loci 

Communes, 10, ii; 12, 18, 32, 52, 

55«., 60 71., 72, 82, 83, 84, 113, 

117, 120, 148, 220. 
Melander, Dionysius, 57. 
Menno, see Simons. 
Mennonites, 46, 47. 
Mera, the, 92. 
Mersenne, Marin, 168. 
Messiah, the Hebrew, vii. 
Messiahship, 64, 108, 128, 183, 211. 
Meyer, Fe7-di)iaiid, 68«., 69;;., 91 «., 

93«., 105;/., io6;?., 107 «., I09«., 

Micheli, the, 1 10. 
Microen, Marten, 50;;., 51 11., S4"-y 

59«., 121 «., 122, 123, 124;/., 128 

— 129, 178, 238, 242, 251 — 256. 
Middelburg, 46. 
Milan, 75; Duchy of, 87, 105; 126, 

Military service, 35, 50. 
Millenarianism, 51, 67, 102. 
Milton, John, 20, 169;;., 174, 209 

— 211, 217, 272 — 274. 
Ministry, orders of the, 249, 250. 
Mirandola, see Pico. 
Modena, 75, 142. 
Moerikofei', Joha/i/i Caspar, 76 /i. 

no;/., 194;/. 
Mollio, Giovanni, 74, 75. 
Monachism, 29. 
Monarchia, 220. 
Monotheism, Jewish, 80. 
Montalcino, 74. 
Montpellier, 84;?. 
Moone, Richard, 196, 203. 
Morata, Olympia Fulvia, 77. 
' Morato, Fulvio Pellegrinoj 77. 



Moravia, 109, 149. 
Morison, Sir Richard, 148, 153, 194. 
Morone, Giovanni, 68, 143. 
Morsztyn, Krzysztof, 189. 
Mortality, liuman, 192 «., 215. 
Mosel, Wolfgang, 49;?., 1 16, 119, 

122 n., 146, 147 n. 
Moses, 126, 222. 
Moskorzowski, Jeromos, 195. 
Miihlhausen, 109. 
Miinster, 44. 
Miinsterians, 46. 
Mural to, Giovanni, 93. 
Muralto, Martino, 93, 106, 107, 149. 
Musculus, see Mosel. 
Aluston. Alexis, 72 «. 
Muzio, Girolamo, 142 «. 
Myconius, see Geishauser. 
Mysticism, 51, 100, 143, 224. 
Mystics, 36. 
Mythology, comparative, vii. 

Naked Gospel, xv, 206. 

Nantes, Edict of, 204, 206. 

Nardi, Jacopo, 75. 

Naples, 72, 73— 75> 83, loi, 141, 

142, 143, 243, 244. 
Negri, Francesco, 92, 96, 186;/. 
Neo-Arians, 129, 252, 254. 
New-Arians, 209, 214. 
Newton, Isaac, 20, 204, 208 — 209, 

211, 212, 214, 217. 
Niccea, 208, 220, 223. 
Nicrean doctrine, 63 ?i. 
Niclaes, Hendrik, 48 — 49. 
Nippold, Friedrich, 30, 46 11., 47 n., 

49 «• 
Nonconformists, 32. 
Nonconformity, 30. 
Norwich, 124;?., 134 — 135, 156. 
Noviomagus, see Geldenhauer. 
Niirnberg, 109. 

Oaths, 35, 38, 50, 59, 252, 254. 
Oberland, the, 142 «. 
Ochino, see Tomassini. 
Odoni, the, 114, 164. 
Gicolampadius, see Hausschein. 
Oporinus, see Herbst. 
Oratory of Divine Love, 68. 

Orelli, Bartolommeo, 107. 
Origen, 118, 165, 220. 
Original sin, xiii, 96, 208. 
Osiander, see Ilosmann. 
Osiris, vii. 

Osservanza, convent of the, 139. 
Oxford, 53, 165 «., 172. 
Oxford University, 33, 70, 72, 80, 
113, 118, 133, 140, 157. 

Padua, 72, 78, 79, So, 81, 85, 103, 

III «., 182. 
Pa^dobaptism, 38, 50, 129, 135, 252, 

Paget, William, 69. 
Paglia, Antonio della, 68, 76, 78, 

99> 137- 
Paleario, Aonio, see Paglia. 
Palermo, 75. 

Pallavicini, Gianandrea, 96, 104. 
Pallavicini, the, 95, iii n., 182. 
Palmer, Herbert, 155 «. 
Pantheism, 56, 67. 
Pantheists, 18. 
Paolo III., 68, 141. 
Papists, 252, 254. 
Paraclete, 223. 
Paris, 84, 264, 265. 
Parker, Matthew, 62, 156. 
Parker, Theodore, xiv, 20, 21, 217, 

225 ?^. 
Parris, Georgvan, ix, 7,49, 65, 129, 

135. 136. 
Partridge, Nicolas, 53, 54;/. 
Pascal, IJlaise, 224. 
Pastor, Adam, .s-t'6' Martini. 
Paul, St., 4, II, 26, 73, 143, 2or 

232, 252, 255, 258, 260. 
Paul, of Samosata, 12, 214, 219, 

Paul's Cross, 29. 
Pavia, 72. 
Pecock, Reginald, 26, 27 — 29, 31, 

Pelagianism, 43. 
Pelermo, Ypolito, 104, 247, 248. 
Pellican, Conrad, 52, 93, 106, 107, 

145, 163, 253, 256. 
Penance, xiii. 
Penn, William, 207, 213. 



Percena, 179. 

Perez, Juan, de Pineda, loi. 

Perna, Pietro, no, 164, 172. 

Perucell, see La Riviere. 

Perugia, no, 114, 118. 

Pescaro, Marchese di, 161 11., 162. 

Pestalozzi, the, 92. 

Peter, St., 232. 

Peter Martyr, see Vermigli. 

Peter's pence, 24. 

Petrarca, Francesco, 68. 

Petrucci, Agnese, 185. 

Pett, Peter, 214. 

Philip IL, 35, 133. 

Philipp, Landgraf of Hesse, 46, 

Philips, Dirk, 46. 
Philips, Obbe, 45, 46. 
Photinus, 219. 
Piacenza, in n. 
Pico, della Mirandola, Gianfran- 

cesco, 71, 80. 
Pico, della Mirandola, Giovanni, 2, 

Piedmont, 72, 100, no. 
Pirckheimer, Wilibald, 42. 
Pisa, Council, 3, 71. 
Planitz, Johann, 71. 
Plato — Trinity, 26; 79, 162. 
Platonism, of Wiclif, 24. 
Poitiers, W2.71. 
Poland, V, xii, 7, 19, 48, 105, 150, 

174, 179, 195, 199, 206, 212, 218, 

Pole, Reginald, 68. 
Polish Socinians, 229. 
Pomponazzi, Pietro, 79, 165, 192. 
Ponet, John, 62, 114, 153, 155. 
Poor Men of Lyons, 2, 88. 
Pope, the, (Antichrist,) 91, 126. 
Porcellino, Francesco, 104, 247, 

Porta, Petro Dominico Rosi da, 88 7^., 

94«., 95 «. 
Poschiavo, 91, 92, 94;?. 
Poullain, Valerand, 118, \\<^n., 

Pragela, 72. 
Prayer-book, Common, 33, 34 ; 

in French, 127 n. 

Predestination, 65, 108, n2, 130, 

136, 139, 145, 148, 179, 208. 
Pre-existence of Christ, ix, 214. 
Presbyterianism, 93. 
Presbyterians, 37, 66. 
Price, Richard, xiv. 
Priestley, Joseph, xiv, 20, 217, 224, 

Priuli, Luigi, 68. 
Procession of the Holy .Spirit, 223, 

245, 247. 
Prophesyings, 124, 249, 251, 252, 

253. 255, 256. 
Prophets, the, 222. 
Protestantism, i ; three types, 3 ; 

170, 219. 
Protestant Synod, 60. 
Prussia, 204. 

Przypcovvski, Samuel, i86;?., 197. 
Pseudo-evangelicals, 128, 129, 178, 

193, 252, 254. 
Pucci, Francesco, 175 «., 189. 
Puritanism, 35, 36, 59, 63,66, 131. 
Puritans, 37, 62, 64, 199. 
Purvey, John, 27. 
Pusey, Edward Bouverie, 21. 

Quakers, 35, 36, 199, 208, 209, 213, 

216, 220. 
Qui net, Edgar, 218. 
Quintana, Juan, 84. 

Racovian Catechism, 193 n., 195, 
200, 202, 214, 270 — 272. 

Radziwill, Mikolaj, 6, 16, 108, 151. 

Ragnone, Lattanzio, 74, 76, loi, 104. 

Rakow, 195, 201. 

Ramus, see La Ramee. 

Rands, Henry, 253, 256. 

Rationalism, xv, 51. 

Rauchlin, Johann, 106. 

Real Presence, 228. 

Reason, 25, 51, 84. 

Reason and Faith, xiv, 79 — So. 

Redemption, x, xi, xiv, 80, 95, 96, 
97, 109 «., 130, 144, 150, 179, 
181, 183, 190 — 191, 207, 215, 
224, 261 — 262. 






Reformation, i ; radical, 6, 50 ; in- 
complete, 57; English, 30 — 31; 
Italian, 71 — 78. 

Refugees, Protestant, 32. 

Renan, Ernest^ 1 71. 

Renascence, 40, 72. 

Renee, of Ferrara, 72, 75, 76 — 77, 

99. 143- 
Resurrection, 179, 183, 25S, 260. 
Reuss, Rtidoif, 114;;., Il8«., 119;?. 
Revelation, x, xi, xiv, 20, 23, 25, 

Reville, Albert, 5, 207, 220 «. 
Rhaetic Confession, 94. 
Rhenish Academy, 180. 
Rhenish Provinces, 49. 
Rhine, the, 90, 131. 
Ricci, Paolo, 75- 
Ridley, Nicholas, t^t^, 121, 132, 

254 «. 
Ritter, Raphael, 194. 
Robinson, Hastings, 254. 
Rogers, John, 58, 59. 
Romani language, 90, 92. 
Rome, 78, 80, 1 10, 227. 
Romulus, vii. 

Ronco, Lodovico, 93, 107. 
Rosalino family, 109 it. 
Rosary, xiii. 
Rosso, Giovanni, "J^n. 
Rosso, Gregorio, 74. 
Rotterdam, vi, 46. 
Ritchat, Abraham, 55 n. 
Rustici, Filippo, 104, 247, 248. 

Sabellianism, 17, 83, 102, 193, 213. 

Sabellius, 171, 208. 

Sacraments, xiii, 60, 95 — 96, 124, 

179, 214, 253, 255—256. 
Saintonge, 155. 

-Saluz, Philipp, 90, 94, 95, 183. 
.Saluzzo, 104. 
Salvation, without knowing Christ, 

Salvetti, Camilla, 180, 185. 
Samosatenianism, 188. 
Sampson, Thomas, 62, 64, 114, 153, 

154, 164. 
Sand, Chri staph von den, 82, 147, 

181 n., 182, 208, 209, 214. 

Sandwich, 134. 

Sandys, Edwin, 157. 

San Frediano, convent of, 76, loi, 

Saragossa, 84 «. 
Sarravia, Adriano de, 133. 
Satan, 147, 201, 245, 247. 
Savonarola, Girolamo, 2, 71, 75, 

137, 138, 143. 
Savoy, 99. 
Saxony, vi. 
Saxo-Scandinavian Protestantism, 

3- 4- 
Say and Seale, Viscount, 196. 
Sayoits, Edouard, yj n. 
Schelhorn, Johann Georg, 99 ;/., 

146 «. 
Schleiermacher, Friedrich Daniel 

Ernst, 222, 223. 
Schlestadt, 180. 
Schlichting, Jonas, 200. 
Schmidt, Charles, 44. 
Scholl, Carl Wilhelm, 36,63;;., 65 w. 
Scholten, Jan Hendrik, 4 «., 17 «., 

222 n. 
Sch-ivalb, Maurice, 13. 
Schweitzer, Alexander, i^on. 
Scilly Isles, 202. 
Scotism, 139, 150, 178. 
Scripture, xv, 35, 50, 59, 64, 82, 

135, 218. 
Seez, the, 90. 

Sepp, Christiaan, 136, 157 «., 158;/. 
Servetans, 15. 
Serveto y Reves, Miguel, ix, 2, 4, 

6, 7, 10, 12, 16; introduced the 

word Trinitarian, I'jn.; 56,81, 

84 — 86, 95, 97, 102 — 103, 108, 

109, 133 «•, 138, 148, 171, 192 «., 

193, 199, 217, 218, 227. 
vServetus, see Serveto y Reves. 
Setzer, Johann, 84. 
Seville, 133-. 155; 
.Sforza, Massimiliano, 88. 
Sherlock, William, 207. 
Sicily, 84, 141 n. 
Siena, 76, no, 138 — 139, 142, 179, 

Sigismundus Augustus, of Poland, 




Silesia, 204. 

Simler, Josiah, 159, 163. 

Simons, Menno, 36, 47, 51. 

Six Articles, 32, 58. 

Sisto v., 35. 

Skinner, Daniel, 210 ;^. 

Slavkov, 109. 

Smithfield, ix, 49, 129. 

Socini, A., no, 180. 

Socinianism, ix, xii, 4, 18 — 19, 21, 
38, 85, 96, 130, 150, 174, 178— 
198, 200, 211 — 212, 213, 214, 
215, 217, 219, 222, 223 — 224, 
225, 270 — 272. 

Soglio, 94«., 97, 114, 130. 

Somerset, Lord Protector, 120, 

Soncinati, the, 80. 

Soubise, Michelle de, 77. 

South, Robert, 207. 

Southampton, 134. 

Southern races, i ; refugees, x. 

Southwell, P., 239, 243. 

Sozini, Lelio Francesco Maria, ix, 
56, 69, 70, 86, 92, 96, 103, 106, 
107, 112, 114, 149, 163 — 164, 174 
— 175, 178 — 198, 269 — 270. 

Sozzi, the, 179. 

Sozzini, Alessandro, 179. 

Sozzini, Bartolomeo, 179. 

Sozzini, Camillo, 92, 97, 180. 

Sozzini, Celso Ascanio Pietro Maria, 
180, 187. 

Sozzini, Cornelio, 180. 

Sozzini, Elzbieta, 189. 

Sozzini, Fausto Paulo, 10, 17, 18, 
19, 85?;., 150, 163 — 164, 175, 
178 — 198, 206, 208, 223, 224, 
225, 226, 228 — 229. 

Sozzini, Mariano, il vecchio, 179. 

Sozzini, Mariano, il giovane, 179 — 

180, 182 «. 
Sozzini, Porzia, 180. 
Sozzini, the, 4, 76, 81, 97, 136, 

199, 207, 224. 
Spain, vi, i, 2. 162, 199. 
Spanish Church, London, 127, 132 

—133. 156. 
Spanish Protestants, 3, 217. 
Spanish Reformers, 2. 

Spanish refugees, Italy, loi — 102. 

Spanish Unitarians, ix, 225. 

Spears, Robert, 26«., 225 n. 

Spiritus Belga, see Martini. 

Stafford, Lady, 156. 

Stampa, 94 n. 

Stancaro, Francesco, 7, 16, 81, 95, 

96, 146. 
State Papers, Calendar of, Ed. VI., 'JO. 
Steeple Bumpstead, 33, 231. 
Stegmann, Joachim, 196. 
St. Paul's, 133, 157. 
Strangers' Church, Geneva, 249 — 

Strangers' Church, London, viii, 49, 

50, 60, 61—62, 63, 65 — 66, 67, 

115 — 136, 157, 164, 172, 178, 
199, 217, 236—243, 249—251. 

Strangers' Church, Strassburg, 249 

— 250. 
Strassburg, 47, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 

62, 72, 84;;., 91 n., 99, loi, no, 

113 — 114, 116, 118 — 119, 146, 

164, 180, 249, 250. 
Strickler, yoha?m, 25 1. 
Strdhlin, Ernest, 209 n. 
Struve, Burckhardt Gotthelf, 1 74 n. 
Strype, John, 2,% 38, Son., don., 

116 n., 117 «., 118 w., 120;/., 
125 ;?., 126 «., 127 n., 129 n., 

132 «•, 133 «•> 134 «•- 136 /'; 

156 «., 171, 172, 231, 257, 259. 
Stuckey, Nathaniel, 203, 204. 
Stuppani, the, in n. 
Sturm, Johann, 52, n8. 
Subordinationism, ' 94, 130, 148, 

150. 214. 
Suffolk, Duke of, 253, 256. 
Sulzer, Simon, no. 
Siis, 94. 
Swiss Reformers, xi, 22, 52 — 53, 

55, 58, 63, n2, 181. 
Swiss, the, 88. 
Switzerland, 70, 83, 99, 102, 103, 

131, 137, 140, 148, 168, 174, 

199, 218. 
Syinbolum QtiiaiDiqiie, 8 ; origin, 

9; authority, 16; 17, 24, 31, 33, 

39. 63 — 64, 67, 108, 205, 208, 

218, 219, 226. 



Syinhohim Romamun, 31, 34«., 79, 

106, 191, 193, 211, 245, 247, 

Taine, Hippolyte Adolphe, I n., 
148;;., 210. 

Tait, Archibald Campbell, 127 «. 

Tauler, Johann, 142 «. 

Teglio, 92. 

Telio, Silvestro, 104, 164, 247, 248. 

Temple Church, 133, 157. 

Terenziano, Giulio, 70, 76, 91 ii., 
114, 116, 119, 125. 

Tertullianus, Quint. Sept. Flor., 24, 

Teutonic nations, vi, i, 217. 

Theobald, John, 23. 

Theodicy, 138. 

Theodotus, 219, 220. 

Theofilo, Massimo, 75. 

Theologia Gennanica, 50 «■ 

Theriot, 212. 

Thirty-nine Articles, 33, 34, 65. 

Thorpe, William, 27. 

Thurgau, 56. 

Ticino, the, 87, 88. 

Tillotson, John, 204, 205, 208. 

Tirano, 92, 95. 

Tiziano, of Val Tellina, 94 — 95, 

Toledo, Pedro de, 141. 

Toleration, 51, 97. 

Toll in, Henri, 84;/., 133 «., 227 w. 

Tomassini, Bernardino, ix, xi, 2, 4, 
33, 48;/., 49«., 60, 70, 74, 75, 
78, Si, 82,91, 94, 97, 100 — loi, 
103, 106, 107 — 109, III, 113 — 
117, 119, 121 «., 125, 126, 130, 
^^36, 137 — 160, 161, 163, 171, 173, 
178, 179, 180, 182, 1S3, 186, 190, 
193, 194, 199, 217, 223, 224, 227 
— 228, 229, 243 — 244, 261 — 
Toniola, Giovanni, 1 1 1 «. 
Toniola, Giovanni (the son), 112 n. 
Tonstall, Cuthbert, 231. 
Torriani, the, 70. 

ToJilinin, Joshua, 39 «. 

Toulouse, 84 «. 

Tradition, xiv, 25; Papal, 50. 

Traheron, Bartholomew, 53. 

Transylvania, 229. 

Transylvanian Unitarians, 19, I73«., 

179, 189, 199, 225. 
Traona, 96. 

Trechscl, Friedrich, 6 n., 7, 48 «., 
56 ;^, 57«., 79«., 81 «., 86«., 
94 n., 95 «., 96 «., 97 «., 98 «., 
103 «., 104 «., 109 «., 182, 183 w., 
186 «., 191 «., I94«., 244. 
Tremellio, Emanuele, 70, 76, 80, 

117, 118, 119. 
Treviso, 77 «., 78. 
Trienta, 78, 162, 264, 265. 
Trijpmaaker, Jan, 44. 
Trinitas, first use of word, 220. 
Trinitarian, name, rejected by Cal- 
vin, ij n.; worship, viii. 
Trinity, 6, 7, 24, 34, 37, 51, 57, 6y, 
80,97 — 98, 112,128 — 131, 135, 
171, 178, 181, 196, 218, 219, 220, 
223,226, 227,244 — 245, 252, 254, 
255; Bidle, 201; Calvin, 16 — 17, 
22; Castellio, 145; Clarke, 208; 
Corranus, 158; Erasmus, 41 — 43, 
220 — 221, 232 — 235; Farel, 15, 
221; Gribaldo,l03; first Helvetic 
Confession, 55 ; Italian Church, 
Geneva, 245 — 248 ; Joris, 47 ; 
Laski, 123 ; Locke, 21 1 ; Luther, 
12 — 14, 221 ; Melanchthon, 10 — 
12; Milton, 272 — 274; Niclaes, 
48; Ochino, 144, 152,262 — 264; 
Penn, 207 — 208; Racovian Cate- 
chism, 271 — 272; Schleierma- 
cher, 222 ; Scripture, xiii — xiv ; 
Serveto, 84 — 85 ; L. Sozini, 269 
— 270; F. Sozzini, 192 — 193 ; 
Tiziano, 94; Valdes, 83. 
Tritheism, 103, 193. 
Tubingen, 91, 103. 
Tudela, 84 n. 
Turin, 33, 72. 
Turner, William, 120. 
Tuscany, 100, 126. 
Turriano, Girolamo, 97. 
Tyndal, William, 58. 

Ulmis, Johannes ab, 55 ;/. 
Uniformity Act, 203, 205. 




Unipersonality of God, viii, xiii, 
90, 193, 208, 209, 215, 217, 225, 
226, 270 — 274. 

Unitarian Cliristianity,v, xii; essen- 
tial principles, 23; 44, 112, 171, 
179, 214, 217, 225, 226, 230. 

Unitarianism, English, vi; several 
sources, vii; 19 — 20; possible 
sources, 21 ; 57, 63, 65, 138, 
195, 198, 199 — 216. 

Unitarian name, 229. 

Unitarians, 6 ; English, 19 — 20; 35, 
50, 51 ; in Strangers' Church, 
127 — 129; 229. 

Unitarian Tracts, the, 206 — 207, 
216 «., 217. 

United States, 225. 

Universalists, 216. 

Usoz i Rio, Lids, 2 n. 

Utenhove, Jan, 61?/., 65, II9 «., 
131 n., 236. 

Vadian, Joachim, l^n., 99 «., 106 

71., 143;;. 
Val Bregaglia, 85, 87, 90, 91, 92, 

99, 114. 
Val di Lugano, 87. 
Val di Poschiavo, 85, 91, 94, 95. 
Val Maggia, 87. 
Val Tellina, 83, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 

95, 99, 109, 114, 127, 130. 
Valdes, Alfonso de, 73. 
Valdes, Juan de, ix, xi, 2, 73 — 75, 

81 — 84, 91, 108, 117 «., 139, 

141— 142, 14s, 149, 243, 244. 
Valentinianism, 51 «., 135 «., 257, 

Valera, Cipriano de, 133. 
Valla, Lorenzo, 71, 79. 
Vane, Sir Henry, 201. 
Va7-illas, Antoine, \^2n. 
Vauville, see Fran9ois. 
Velsius, Justus, 5o«., 136. 
Venice, heresy at, \2; 69, 72, 75 "•> 

77 — 78, 81, 84, 85, 91, 100, 126, 

137, 142, 150, iSi, 182, 186 «. 
Vergerio, Giambattista, 77. 
Vergerio, Pierpaolo, "Jly 91, 96, 

114, 147. 
Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 60, 70, 

74, 75, 76, 78, 81, 91 «., lOT, 

106, 107, 113, 115 — 119, 125, 130, 
132, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 
I53".; 154, i59> 163. 

Vermigli, Stefano, 75. 

Versasca family, 109 n. 

Vestments, 59. 

Vicenza, 77;/., 78, 81,85, no; Con- 
ferences, 86, 147, 181 — 182. 

Vicosoprano, 91, 94 «. 

Vienna, 180. 

Vienne, 102. 

Vinet, Alexandre, 229. 

Viret, Pierre, 143 «. 

Vitells, Christopher, 48 — 49. 

Voet, Gisbert, 219. 

Voltaire, Francois Marie Arouet de, 
208, 212, 213. 

Voltatura, 72. 

Waaden, Jan, 44. 

Waddiiighm, Charles, 162, 165 «. 

Waldenses, I, 2, 24, 72, 88. 

Wallace, Robert, 20, 38 n., 39 n., 
48 n., 57 «., 173 n., 195 n., 197 ;;., 
201 «., 203 «., 204 n., 205 n., 
206 «., 207 «., 209 «., 211 «., 
212 n., 215 n., 216 «. 

Wallis, John, 207. 

Walloon Church, Antwerp, 1 56 ; 
Canterbury, 127 ; Glastonbury, 
127; London, 125, 134; Low 
Countries, 133; Norwich, 124;/., 

Walloon refugees in England, 118, 

Warszaw, 120. 

Webberley, John, 196, loon. 
Werdmiiller, Jakob, 90. 
Westminster Assembly, 173 — 174. 
W^estphal, Joachim, 108. 
Whichcote, Benjamin, 205, 
Whitehead, George, 207. 
Whittington College, 28. 
Wiclif, John, xiv, 23, 24 — 26, 30, 

31, 33, 67, 152. 
IVifen, Beniaiiiin Barron, 2n.,'j'^n. 
Will, doctrine of the, 32. 
William HL, 206. 
Wilno, 195. 



Wimpheling, Jakob, 180. 
Wiszowaty, Andrzej, 181. 
Wittenberg University, 72, 220. 
Wolff, Johann, 162, 166, 167 «., 
168 «., 185, 186, 192, 269 — 270. 
Wolsey, Thomas, 52. 
Worship, simplicity of, 59. 
Worthington, John, 205. 
Wotton-under-Edge, 201. 
Wyngins, Go vert, 134. 

Yarmouth, 120. 

Zanchi, Girolamo, 58, 93, 114, 132, 

164, 188. 
Zannoni, the, IIO. 
Zaslaw, 195. 
Zeus, \'ii. 
Zimmern, Helen, 75 ?e., 138 «. 

Zurich, 43, 52, S3, 54, 56, 58, 62, 
90, 91, 97, 98, 99, 105—109, no, 
114, 117, 143, 146, 149, 150, 151, 
154, 158, 163, 164, 181, 182, 183, 
186, 194, 244. 

Zurich Letters, /\f)7i., 50«., 53/-'., 
54M., 55 «., 59«., 60;/., 63 «., 
64;/., 114;/., ii6«., 117//., ii8«., 
119//., 121;?., 123;^, i24«., 128 «., 
131 ;;., I53«., 154//., 157 «., I59«., 
164 «., 194;/., 254. 

Zwick, Johann, 15. 

Zwingli, Ilulderich, 4; Sabellian, 
17; 43. 52, 53,54, 55,63,72,7^, 
93, 105. 

Zwiligli, Hulderich (son of the Re- 
former), 108. 

Zwinglians, 225. 



P. 65, line ig,for Utenhoven r^a(/ Utenhove. 
P. 88 n., for Rosio de Porta read Rosi da Porta. 
P. 122, line i?>,for du Rivier read La Riviere. 
P. 122 n.,for Kerkraad's read Kerkraad's. 

C. Green & Son, Printers, 178, Strand. 










• ^ 


OCQ C 1 





Do not y*^ 








t-l : 

re move // 





the card 

o h-O 


-P G 

\ 1 

1 1 


from this \\ 


>» 05 

u ® 

Pocket. \. 

Cd Jh 


a :3 




>> OT 

rt >v 

O rH: 

CQ $H 

Acme Library Card Pocket 

~ 4> 

Under Pat. " Ref. Index File." 

-< H i